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On the voter lists, the full participation not only of the parties but of the electorate is essential to democratic legitimacy. When my right honourable friend met Bangladeshi human rights advocates last week, they expressed concern over the intimidation of ethnic and religious minorities and their exclusion from the voter list. Mr McCartney urged the leaders of the main parties to make a commitment to address these and other human rights concerns in their election manifestos and for the future of Bangladesh’s human rights beyond the election. Full participation is a live issue. A crucial measure of the fairness of any election is the accuracy and inclusiveness of the electoral roll—the voter list. The international community and NGOs must scrutinise this process. All Bangladeshis deserve the right to vote. We have called on the Election Commission to ensure that, and that it is achieved transparently, competently and independently.
My noble friend Lady Uddin and the noble Lord, Lord Pearson, referred very warmly to the European Parliament resolution on the voter list—a unique occasion in this Chamber. The resolution reflected the views of the European parliamentarians that this Government’s position on elections has been clear and consistent. We look to the caretaker Government to fulfil their role transparently and independently. We look to the parties to show responsible leadership and restraint.
The caretaker Government and the Election Commission must also ensure that political parties are allowed to campaign freely and peacefully. Campaigning should be positive and issues-based. All parties must be afforded political space. The people of Bangladesh deserve to have their views and interests heard. They also deserve balanced coverage of electoral issues in the media. The role of the caretaker Government is hugely important. Ultimately, they will be judged on their ability to provide an environment conducive to holding free, fair, peaceful and accepted elections—an environment in which the rule of law applies.
In a democratic election, there can be no violence, intimidation or manipulation of ballots. The electorate must be able to exercise their democratic mandate securely and peacefully. As the noble Lord,
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We have set out our expectations. They are no different from those that we would have for any other democracy. It is not for us to interfere. We see our role as one of engagement and, where we can, of assisting the caretaker Government to function effectively in an inclusive, transparent and non-partisan way. Consulting closely with the EU, the US and other international partners, our High Commission in Dhaka has consistently transmitted those key messages to the caretaker Government, the party leaders and the media, and we will continue to do so. It is vital that the messages from the international community are clear and consistent.
The international community’s verdict on the conduct of the elections will be based largely on the observation of those elections. Recent election-evaluation missions by the UN, the EU and the US have consistently identified key issues for the parties, the Election Commission and the caretaker Government to address. I look to them fully to address those concerns, notably the concerns about the performance of the Election Commission and the content of the voter list. I am pleased that Foreign Office officials met the all-party group recently to update it on election issues and the future of Bangladesh. Foreign Office officials remain in close contact with the all-party group, advising it on its applications to participate as part of the EU observer mission. Foreign Office officials are also in touch with the Commonwealth Secretariat, which has now confirmed that it will be sending a Commonwealth election observer mission to Bangladesh. I wholeheartedly agree with the noble Lord, Lord Astor, that the Commonwealth is a very important partnership for us. It is a forum in which we could and should be doing more.
The noble Lord, Lord Avebury, asked about consultation between observers on the spot and whether there was a mechanism. The UN election observer mission will co-ordinate the various international observer missions. Our High Commissioner in Dhaka is in regular contact with the UN and all election observer missions.
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On UK nationals who might participate in the EU monitoring teams and whether or not they are from the Bangladeshi community, the European Commission has not yet decided the composition of an observer team. We are aware that members of the Bangladeshi community wish to apply to become EU observers, but we have no information about whether they have formally submitted an application. We are confident, however, that whoever is included in the observer team from the UK will make an important contribution.
My noble friend Lady Uddin is right; we must not forget the excellent progress that has been made in Bangladesh. The recent growth rate, as noble Lords have already said, is in excess of 5 per cent, which is indeed impressive. There should be much to be positive about, but, sadly, the widespread political demonstrations and the blockade of ports, transport and communications ahead of the elections are having a serious impact on the economy. Poor governance and corruption is already costing the economy 2 per cent of its GDP every year. The election should set the tone for a more positive business atmosphere. International investors need certainty and stability. Britain, as the largest foreign investor in Bangladesh, has a clear interest in seeing that the Bangladeshi economy prospers. The international investor community has an important role to play in telling the caretaker Government and political parties that in a competitive global economy, delivering a stable investment climate is a necessity for future development.
I turn to our longer-term commitment to Bangladesh. It is of course entirely understandable that elections should now be the main focus, but I want to stress that this Government’s commitment is about the long term. We have achieved a step change in relations with Bangladesh in recent years, and we are the leading investor. DfID’s commitment of more than £120 million this year makes it the largest bilateral aid donor. A vibrant Bangladeshi community in the UK of more than 300,000 people, something that I celebrate, ensures that people-to-people contacts continue to multiply and enrich both countries. We look forward to working with the new Government to build on the country’s strengths and advantages and to help them address the challenges of reducing poverty, improving governance and tackling extremism.
My noble friend Lady Uddin rightly asked what steps the Government will take to ensure that there is reconciliation between the two parties after the election. Our High Commission in Dhaka has actively encouraged dialogue between the parties and stands ready to do so after the elections. But primarily, of course, it is for the parties themselves to resolve their differences in a mature and responsible fashion. That is absolutely vital for the future of Bangladesh.
The noble Lord, Lord Avebury, asked about the position of women, and I am pleased to say that DfID’s programme on women’s rights includes a £12 million package to strengthen the “people’s voice” in demanding their rights, in particular land and legal rights, and with a focus on women. More than 350,000 people have been reached so far, which is a great
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I thank noble Lords for such a thought-provoking debate on the forthcoming elections in Bangladesh. There has been general agreement that it is for Bangladeshis to solve their own problems and to make a success of the elections; it is not for the international community to interfere. But I believe that this debate has demonstrated fully the important role that the international community can and must play in ensuring that the Bangladeshi people get the free, fair, peaceful and accepted elections they deserve. As noble Lords have demonstrated, international pressure works. Bangladesh, in the words of the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, must not become a failed state. It must be a thriving democracy—a thriving Muslim democracy. The international community should continue to deliver clear and consistent messages to the caretaker Government and the parties on the importance of meeting the standards necessary. The people and the parties will look to international election observers to validate the elections. The international community can help to build the capacity of Bangladeshi NGOs to monitor and assess the elections.
I believe that Britain is playing its role on all of these fronts. The Government will continue to call for action to ensure the legitimacy of the elections, will contribute to EU monitoring, and will maintain their support for local NGOs. We look forward to helping the Bangladeshis achieve a successful election and to working with Bangladesh over the longer term to help that country achieve its very considerable potential, which has been epitomised by Professor Yunus.
12.53 pm
Lord Avebury: My Lords, I am extremely grateful to all those who have taken part in the debate, but particularly to the noble Baroness, Lady Uddin, with her vast experience of Bangladesh and of the Bangladeshi communities in the UK. We have all listened to her with great respect, and particularly when she said that monitoring the elections on polling day would be too late. We have to look at the whole process leading up to the elections. Indeed, the one disappointment I have with this debate is that the Minister did not address sufficiently the problems surrounding the appointments of the chief adviser, of the chief election commissioner and of the assistants to the chief election commissioner who are all alleged to be biased in favour of the previous Government, making it virtually impossible for the election machinery to be run in an impartial and unbiased manner. If that is so, then as the noble Baroness, Lady Uddin, pointed out, it does not matter what happens on polling day because the elections will not be free and fair. I therefore reiterate that we must ensure that the observer missions look at this aspect of the matter and evaluate the possibilities of a level playing field before they go on to consider the mechanics of the elections themselves.
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We have heard from numerous participants in the debate that Bangladesh presents us with a paradox. On the one hand, we have the brilliant achievements of Professor Yunus, and I join with all those who congratulated him on the award of the Nobel Prize, along with many other distinguished intellectuals—scientists, writers and so forth—of Bangladeshi origin; Bangladesh’s achievement in the attainment of some of the millennium development goals; and its securing a much higher rate of growth than anyone would have predicted 10 years ago. That is the favourable picture. But, on the other hand, we have a dysfunctionality in the political parties and the war between the two ladies which has led to the present desperate political situation and the virtual impossibility of securing a level playing field in the 45 days that remain before the elections. I therefore urge the noble Baroness to ensure that in the briefing we give to the delegations, particularly to the European Union in which we will play a prominent part, and perhaps to the Commonwealth delegation as well, we stress that they should look at the preliminaries and not concentrate on the mechanics of the elections.
What we say now is not going to have a great effect on developments over the coming 45 days. All we can say for this debate is that, as was pointed out by the noble Baroness, Lady Uddin, it has attracted very wide attention among the Bangladeshi community in this country as well as among the media in Bangladesh itself. It is only a matter of great regret to me that however many times we talk about Bangladesh either in this House or in seminars outside, as the noble Lord, Lord Astor, pointed out, our own media studiously ignore everything that is said—in spite of the importance of what happens in Bangladesh to our country, to the Commonwealth, and to the world as a whole.
Again, I am extraordinarily grateful to all noble Lords who have taken part in the debate and I now beg leave to withdraw the Motion for Papers.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.
Business
Baroness Crawley: My Lords, perhaps I may intervene briefly at this point to say that the time limits for the next debate have changed. For noble Lords other than the noble Lord, Lord Alton of Liverpool, and my noble friend Lord Drayson, the time limit for speaking has changed to 12 minutes. It was originally 14 minutes, but a noble Lord’s name was omitted from the speakers list and has now been included. Again, the time for speeches is now 12 minutes.
North Korea: Nuclear Test
12.58 pm
Lord Alton of Liverpool rose to call attention to the implications of North Korea’s decision to conduct its first nuclear test; and to move for Papers.
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The noble Lord said: My Lords, in moving the Motion, I should like to thank in advance all those Members of your Lordships’ House who are to participate in the debate, and I should like to express my appreciation for the opportunity to raise the matter today. This is the third occasion on which I have had the privilege of opening a debate in your Lordships’ House on the subject of North Korea. Today I should like to raise three interconnected strands: security questions, humanitarian issues and human rights. Each of these concerns plays into the other.
This Motion was tabled in the aftermath of the October weapons test at Gilju in Hamgyong Province. In becoming the ninth country to possess nuclear weapons, North Korea’s actions were described by China as “brazen”, by Japan as “unpardonable” and by the United States as “provocative”. But of course the test did not just come out of the blue. Its genesis lies in the unfinished business of the 1950 to 1953 war in Korea, which claimed between 2.5 million and 3.5 million lives, including those of 1,000 British servicemen. With the 1953 ceasefire, the country was severed along the 38th parallel and, technically, the principal combatants are still at war. The border bristles with mines, artillery and troops. Anyone who travels in North Korea sees a state whose massive arsenal and resources are overwhelmingly geared to the protection and the survival of the regime.
When, in 2003, North Korea pulled out of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, its intentions rapidly became clear. It also became clear that primarily China, through the control of electricity and oil, was in a position to temper the DPRK’s military ambitions. In September 2005, there was a brief glimmer of hope when, during the six-nation talks, North Korea agreed to give up nuclear activity, only to be followed by contradictory statements from Sean McCormack, the White House spokesman, and a retraction by the DPRK the following day. Then, of course, in July of this year, North Korea test-fired seven missiles, and in October it proceeded to test a nuclear device.
On 14 October, the Security Council responded by unanimously voting to impose weapons and financial sanctions. Resolution 1718 demanded that North Korea eliminate all its nuclear weapons, weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. The resolution also called for Pyongyang to return “without precondition” to the stalled six-nation talks. On 31 October, China announced that the talks would resume “soon”.
If the unfinished business of 1953 continues to have huge security implications, there are also implications for humanitarian and human rights concerns as well. These three questions are inextricably linked and need to be tackled together. Let us take, for example, the humanitarian situation. The escalation of the security issues is already having an adverse effect, in particular on the provision of food aid, which will lead to famine and mass starvation. This, in turn, will lead to more people trying to flee the country, which, in turn, will lead to their incarceration and unspeakable violations of human rights if they are caught.
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At a meeting here on 16 November addressed by Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights, I asked him about the plight of the 400,000 people estimated to have been killed by the regime in the past three decades, about the 200,000 people said to be currently detained in the country’s gulags and about the likelihood of a new famine and mass starvation following 2 million deaths during the famine of the 1990s. His view was that there is a real danger of a new famine. That was endorsed on Monday of this week at a meeting held under the auspices of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on North Korea, which I chair.
Professor Hazel Smith worked for the World Food Programme in North Korea. She told us:
“The under twenties have never seen anything other than hunger and if food doesn’t go in there will be another famine, and soon”.
Last week, during the debate on the gracious Speech, the noble Lord, Lord Triesman, disputed figures that I gave the House concerning food aid. I said that funds for the World Food Programme were down from £6 million to £1.9 million. These figures were not mine; they were the figures of the special rapporteur, Professor Muntarbhorn. He added:
He told us that only 10 per cent of needed funds have come in and that only 30 countries out of 200 had contributed food. China is believed to have cut food support by one-third and South Korea suspended shipments after Pyongyang’s missile tests in July.
North Korea has, of course, scandalously used at least 30 per cent of its GDP on armaments and in developing nuclear weapons—resources that should have been used to develop the country’s economy and agriculture—but we have to draw a distinction between a regime and its ideology on the one hand and the people of that benighted land on the other.
More than 37 per cent of six year-olds in North Korea are chronically malnourished. Stunted growth among the population has even led—this is an interesting illustration—to the height requirement for the North Korean army being reduced from 4 foot 11 to 4 foot 3.
Professor Smith says that the country’s stocks of food,
We must not become complicit in the potential starvation of millions of people. I hope that when the noble Lord, Lord Drayson, replies to the debate he will be able to give the House details of the current humanitarian situation, particularly regarding food.
We must also consider the implications of the worsening situation for human rights on the Korean peninsular. Without UNHCR access, and in breach of the 1951 convention, China continues to return many of the 50,000 refugees who have fled there. I would like to know from the Government what representations we have made about this. The worsening security and economic situation will undoubtedly add to that exodus. What will be their
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In 2003, my noble friend Lady Cox, who will speak more extensively on this point later in our proceedings, and I travelled to North Korea. My interest had been initially aroused when an escapee came to London and graphically described to me how his wife and young family had all died, either from starvation or as they tried to escape from North Korea into China. For years in the West, we genuinely claimed to know very little of the realities of life in North Korea, but thanks to the testimonies of escapees this is no longer a tenable argument.
In the aftermath of the Korean War, North Korea’s leaders implemented a policy of “juche”—or self-reliance—which has led to decades of isolation. It has led to the state linking itself to criminal activities, including the narcotics trade, to abductions, to the testing, according to BBC allegations, of chemical weapons on civilians and to alleged links with terrorism; and it has led to torture and execution.
On 30 October, the all-party group hosted the launch of a 142-page report commissioned by Vaclav Havel, the former President of the Czech Republic, Elie Wiesel, the Nobel peace prize laureate, and Kjell Magne Bondevik, the former Norwegian Prime Minister. Mr Bondevik spoke at the launch of the report, which is called Failure to Protect: A Call for the UN Security Council to Act in North Korea. I have placed a copy of that report in the Library of your Lordships’ House.
The report invites the United Nations Security Council to evaluate the egregious violations of human rights in North Korea; to consider using Chapter 6 powers rather than those in Chapter 7; and to adopt a non-punitive resolution urging the DPRK to allow open access for international humanitarian organisations to feed its people. It calls for the release of political prisoners, as well as insisting that the UN special rapporteur on human rights in North Korea should be permitted to visit the country. If the new doctrine of “the responsibility to protect” means anything, the UN needs to respond positively to the Havel/Wiesel/Bondevik report, copies of which I have sent to the Prime Minister, the principal opposition spokesmen on foreign affairs and the noble Lord, Lord Triesman.
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