Select Committee on Science and Technology Second Report


CHAPTER 10: Industrial energy efficiency

10.1.  Industry's share of the United Kingdom's energy end use has declined sharply in the last 35 years. Whereas in 1970 industry (including construction) consumed over 700 TWh of energy, in 2002 this had fallen to around 400 TWh.[98] At the same time transport and domestic sectors had overtaken industry as end users of energy, with the result that industry now represents just 22 percent of United Kingdom energy use.[99] This decline is in large part due to structural change, in particular the decline of traditional, energy intensive manufacturing industries such as steel.[100] Many of these industries have in effect been exported, raising the possibility (which is beyond the scope of this inquiry) that structural change in the United Kingdom economy, while generating a reduction in our emissions, has in fact contributed to an increase in global emissions.

10.2.  However, major improvements in industrial energy efficiency have also played a part. Many individual companies have made commendable efforts to promote sustainability and energy efficiency, and to develop the use of alternative energy sources. In addition industry as a whole, as well as being subject to the vagaries of energy prices and international competition, has been the object of more concerted pressure to improve energy efficiency than any other sector. Indeed, we got the sense that many in industry feel almost victimised: as Mr Farrow said, "it is the business sector that has pretty much delivered the Kyoto targets, whereas if you look at … household emissions and private transport, there has barely been any change at all" (Q 585). We have some sympathy with this view.

10.3.  Nevertheless, the Action Plan forecasts further savings of 3.8 MtC/year between now and 2010 from energy intensive industries. The Climate Change Programme Review, in contrast, states that greenhouse gas emissions from "industrial processes" were 11.8 MtC in 2000, will be 11.4 MtC in 2005, falling only to 11.1 MtC in 2010 and remaining stable thereafter. The term "industrial processes" does not of course cover all emissions from energy intensive industries—transport, for example, is a significant contributor. However, the difference between the hypothetical saving and the absolute figure further illustrates the difficulty in translating the Government's energy efficiency targets into absolute emissions levels.

Climate change instruments affecting industry

10.4.  The Climate Change Levy was introduced on 1 April 2001. Despite its name, it is a tax not on greenhouse gas emissions but on the use of energy, including a levy of 0.43p/kWh on electricity use. The Levy is designed to be revenue neutral—that is to say, revenues realised by the levy are recycled to employers, largely by means of a reduction in National Insurance contributions. Domestic users and small businesses are exempt from the Levy.

10.5.  The Levy was from the first supplemented by Climate Change Agreements (CCAs) with specific energy intensive industries. Initially the ten most energy intensive sectors, through their respective trade associations, were targeted: aluminium, cement, ceramics, chemicals, food and drink, foundries, glass, non-ferrous metals, paper, and steel. However, CCAs now cover no fewer than 44 sectors. CCAs provide an 80 percent discount from the Levy for sectors that agree ten-year targets for improving energy efficiency or reducing carbon emissions.

10.6.  In addition, there is the voluntary United Kingdom Emissions Trading Scheme, which began in 2002. This scheme, entered into by 31 direct participants, ranging from large corporations to local authorities and museums, operates, like the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), through the buying and selling of carbon allowances, which reduce year by year. Participants are thus able to decide on the most economic way to meet their obligations—either by reducing energy use, or by purchasing allowances from other participants, who have exceeded their target. The first phase will come to an end in 2006, and the United Kingdom has already secured approval from the Commission for participants to opt out of the EU ETS until this time. At this time participants will transfer to the EU scheme.

10.7.  The first phase of the EU ETS itself came into effect in January 2005, and will run for three years. The White Paper described it as "a central plank of our future emissions reduction policies" (p 29), and the Climate Change Programme Review announces that "We are showing our commitment to the EU ETS by setting a cap on allowances in the first phase (2005-2007) that takes use beyond our Kyoto target" (p 34). Given that the United Kingdom has already exceeded its Kyoto target, this self-congratulation is somewhat disingenuous.

10.8.  This complex array of policy instruments begs a number of questions, which fall under two broad headings:

COHERENCE

10.9.  The Climate Change Programme Review acknowledges that there is "considerable overlap" between the coverage of these various schemes, and one of its stated objectives is to address this overlap so as to achieve the right "future policy mix of measures impacting on business". It notes that "there may be a case for maintaining existing national policy measures, in particular CCAs and the UK ETS … to ensure that the full potential for business sector emission reductions is achieved." However, it also concedes that "some business stakeholders have argued for greater simplicity" (p 50).

10.10.  The Government are also well aware of specific pitfalls. For instance, the Review states that "the UK will be putting an application to the Commission for the temporary exclusion of installations covered by a CCA for the first phase, but they must join after 2007." However, this application itself begs a number of questions. What practical impact will EU ETS have on British industry, given that 44 sectors are excluded? And what will happen after 2007, given that CCAs run until 2010?

10.11.  The potential for overlap is compounded by the different measures applying to the various instruments. The Climate Change Levy is a tax on energy use, which therefore, despite its name, encourages reductions in energy demand rather than targeting carbon emissions per se. Indeed, while certain forms of electricity generation, notably renewables, are exempt from the Levy, electricity generated from nuclear power, even though it does not impact upon the climate, is subject to the Levy. CCAs, in contrast, reflect the diversity of the sectors covered (and further illustrate the need for a clear definition of energy efficiency): for most sectors targets are expressed in terms of primary specific energy consumption, but for certain industries, notably aluminium, targets are expressed in terms of reduced carbon equivalent emissions.

10.12.  The UK ETS sets allowances in terms of carbon equivalent emissions, and covers all the main greenhouse gases. Phase 1 of the EU ETS, on the hand, sets targets only for carbon dioxide emissions, though it is anticipated that Phase 2, coming into effect in 2008, will set targets for the entire basket of greenhouse gases.

10.13.  Another layer of complexity could be added by the proposal, floated in the Climate Change Programme Review, for "white certificate trading"—that is to say, tradable commodities representing amounts of energy saved, or avoided. The Review acknowledges that before such a scheme is introduced many issues would need to be considered, including "the monitoring and verification of efficiency gains, the establishment of baselines from which to measure improvement and the interaction with other policies and measures" (p 52).

10.14.  The views of industry on the interaction between these various instruments were scathing. The British Cement Association (BCA) described the interaction of the Levy and EU ETS as "a burdensome bureaucratic duplication of effort, which does nothing to further reduce CO2 emissions. There are two different monitoring systems and the rules for interactions between the two … are convoluted and unnecessarily complex" (p 216). Dr David Welsh, of the CBI, warned of "all sorts of bureaucracy and complications" (Q 577). Dr David Harris, Secretary General of the Aluminium Federation (Alfed), also described the Levy as "bureaucratic" and "costly to administer", and warned that the relationship between it and the EU ETS had been "poorly planned" (Q 587).

10.15.  At the same time, our witnesses agreed that carbon trading was in principle the best and most cost-effective way to promote reduced emissions from industry, and much to be preferred to direct taxation. As Mr Farrow said, political leaders should "make a policy decision" about the desired level of emissions, "and then the trading system should use the market to drive those reductions out at the cheapest cost". In contrast, rising energy prices, while they might trigger action in individual cases, would heavily penalise energy intensive industries which had already invested heavily in energy efficiency, and therefore could not make significant further gains—for them, it would just be "an added cost in very competitive markets" (QQ 575, 573).

10.16.  We agree with our witnesses that the multiplication of schemes to promote industrial energy efficiency has been poorly planned, and is likely to be burdensome and bureaucratic. We urge the Government to make a long-term commitment to consolidating these various schemes under the EU Emissions Trading Scheme, which is likely to be the most cost-effective route to emissions reductions.

10.17.  We view the Government's apparent support for "white certificate" trading with serious concern: the introduction of yet another set of trading arrangements, incorporating yet another measure (in this case, targets for energy efficiency) is a recipe for still more confusion. What is needed is a period of policy consolidation and clarification, not the over-layering of existing policies with new targets and incentives.

IMPACT

10.18.  As we have already noted, the focus of Government policy hitherto has been the energy intensive industries, which are generally covered by CCAs. However, while energy intensive industries may look like low-hanging fruit, there are problems. Mr Gilbert, of the BCA, noted that energy represents 35 percent of the cement industry's costs. Thus reducing energy use is inevitably a much higher priority for the industry, even without Government intervention, than it would be for an industry in which energy represented, say, one percent of costs. Thus Mr Gilbert noted that the cement industry does "very intensive benchmarking" against competitors in Europe, China, America and Thailand, while Dr Harris said that "energy efficiency has always been a priority for the aluminium industry in order to stay competitive, not only against competitive materials but against the aluminium industries in other parts of the world" (QQ 587, 592).

10.19.  The danger, therefore, is that a continuing focus on energy-intensive industries will at best come up against the law of diminishing returns, and at worst may simply drive them out of business or out of the United Kingdom. Many such industries can only reduce energy use to a certain level—cement, for example, is produced by the de-carbonation of limestone, and, as Mr Gilbert explained, a significant proportion of carbon dioxide emissions are an inevitable product of this process, "governed by the rules of thermodynamics and chemistry" (Q 588). Raising the effective price of energy could therefore have dire consequences—described in stark terms by Dr Harris:

"If there is a view that an increase in energy price leads to a reduction in energy consumption, you have to accept the view that primary aluminium production will inevitably move out of the UK; it will move out of Europe and it will move to those parts of the world where energy is available at a lower cost … I then have to point out that … aluminium will still be used in the UK, but it will be produced in primary smelters in other parts of the world that are less energy-efficient. Effectively, if we are looking at global warming, the position will have got worse." (Q 587)

10.20.  The effect of the law of diminishing returns may be compounded for some industries by the cycle of capital investment. The cement industry, for example, has been through a period of major investment in new equipment; this equipment will not be replaced for a considerable time. In other words, for many industries reductions in emissions are not a matter of gradual, year-on-year increments, but of periodic major investment, yielding rapid improvement, followed by periods when emissions stay relatively static.

10.21.  This unevenness in the capital cycle may have contributed to specific concerns over the account that has been taken of past improvements in energy efficiency in assigning carbon allocations to particular industries. Mr Richard Boarder, of Castle Cement, and a member of the Emissions Trading Group since its establishment in 1999, confirmed this point: he was "desperately disappointed that early action has not been recognised in that allocation plan", with the result that "our most efficient plant has the lowest allocation" (Q 600). Dr Welsh argued that the allocation did not "take into account several years of programmes to reduce energy consumption in non CCA sites"—in other words, while companies previously involved in CCAs would see "relatively modest" reductions under the EU ETS, businesses not subject to CCAs could be looking for reductions of up to 50 percent (Q 584).

10.22.  In marked contrast, large sectors of business have in effect been overlooked. Mr Farrow noted that Government policy "is all focused very much on the manufacturing sector", whereas "they need to think a lot more about what sort of policy tools to use to push energy efficiency issues in the commercial/SME sector". Dr Welsh drew attention to a recent survey, showing that "around half the SMEs were totally unaware of initiatives on the carbon reduction side", some of the SMEs being "relatively energy-intensive". Furthermore, there was an impression that CCAs (which include an 80 percent exemption from the Levy) were something of a closed shop—while in principle "any sector that is prepared to sign up to quite tough energy reductions ought to be able to develop a climate change agreement", in practice the Treasury imposes "a huge amount of red tape", with the result that "a lot of the companies ask whether it is really worth it"
(QQ 569, 570, 581, 582).

10.23.  We also asked the Carbon Trust, which is tasked with promoting energy efficiency in the business and commercial sectors, about its level of engagement with SMEs—that is companies with up to 250 employees. Mr Delay said that the criterion was energy use; some SMEs, such as small chemical plants, were significant energy users, and would be targeted by the Trust. In contrast, the Trust did not address "those whose energy patterns are typically domestic"—including some 3.5 million SMEs with five employees or less. He described the energy consumption of this sector as "tiny"—less than ten percent of total business energy consumption
(QQ 107-109).

10.24.  The Action Plan contains no firm proposals on small businesses. Indeed, having noted the difficulty in identifying and targeting such a diverse group, it merely announces that the Government have decided not to extend the EEC to business customers. It continues, "we will … continue to examine, with the Carbon Trust, Energy Saving Trust and others, the scope for ways to realise further energy efficiency improvements in this part of the business sector" (p 43). This amounts to a confession of failure.

10.25.  Finally, we have considered the current dispute between the Government and the European Commission over the overall level of the United Kingdom National Allocation Plan (NAP) under the EU ETS. The United Kingdom NAP was submitted in April 2004, and proposed an allocation of 736.3 MtCO2 (200.8 MtC).[101] This was approved by the Commission on 7 July. However, on 27 October the Government announced that they would seek the Commission's approval to an amendment, increasing the allocation to 756.1 MtCO2 (206.2 MtC). The reason for the change was a change in the projections for "business as usual" emissions, which indicated that the baseline would in fact be higher than expected. The Commission having formally agreed the UK NAP in July, in the process stating that "the total quantity of allowances to be allocated … shall not be exceeded", refused to accept the revised NAP. At the time of writing the Government have agreed to make allocations to individual sectors according to the original NAP, while apparently considering legal proceedings against the Commission over their refusal to accept the revised version.

10.26.  This confusion comes at a time when the Government have for the first time conceded that the United Kingdom's targets for reducing carbon emissions are unlikely to be met—a situation that will not be helped by the allocation of an extra 5 MtC to industry. Lord Whitty was robust in dismissing any criticism, noting that the original projections had been out of date, and asking rhetorically, "If the facts change, I change my opinion. What do you do?"—to which the response might be that projections are not facts. All that has happened is that an error in these inherently hypothetical projections has been exposed.

10.27.  Opinions differ on the merits of the Government's position. The CBI believed that once the error in the projections had been spotted the Government was "absolutely right" to apply for a revised allocation (Q 583). The Carbon Trust, on the other hand, drew attention to the "lobbying on behalf of the CBI and other industry bodies … at a time when energy prices are increasing significantly", which had made it politically "quite hard" to implement the EU ETS aggressively. Nevertheless, their own analysis, according to Mr Delay, had identified "quite credible scenarios whereby companies will be rather successful at passing on the cost to the consumer and may well end up benefiting from the Emissions Trading Scheme". This would not cover all sectors—aluminium, for instance, would suffer owing to its exposure to international competition (QQ 85, 101).

10.28.  In the longer term, Mr Delay identified some potentially graver risks in setting the NAP at too undemanding a level. The worst result would be the complete failure of the ETS—"the carbon price will not be sufficient and it will end up … a white elephant because there is no carbon to be traded" (Q 101). Or, particularly as NAPs across Europe have been "fairly weak", it might not generate enough of an incentive for business "to manage their emissions in a sensible way". This could create long-term unpredictability, as the second phase might have to be "much more aggressive" to compensate. In the absence of a long-term steer through the ETS, "business is not able to sensibly make investment decisions" (Q 96).

10.29.  Energy-intensive manufacturing industries have contributed a disproportionate share to the reduction in United Kingdom carbon emissions. They continue to be subject to strong international competition, along with rising energy prices and a raft of regulation. There is a serious risk that much of this industry will simply be driven overseas, contributing to a net increase in global emissions. We therefore look to the Government, in the interests both of the economy and the environment, to take full account of the ongoing competitiveness of these sectors within global markets when they consider further climate change targets.

10.30.  At the same time, there is considerable potential for energy saving by the commercial sector and SMEs, which have so far been overlooked. Reaching SMEs will be a challenging task, but it is one the Government appear to have shied away from. We recommend that the Government urgently explore ways to encourage reductions in energy use by SMEs.

10.31.  The dispute over the United Kingdom National Allocation Plan has potentially serious consequences. However, while we have sympathy with the views of the CBI, we cannot help concluding that this is a crisis of the Government's making, which adds to the difficulties faced by industry in long-term planning. We urge the Government to seek a rapid resolution to this dispute, even at the expense of some compromise.

10.32.  We further recommend that the Government re-examine the allocation of carbon allowances to individual industries and companies. It is essential that allowances should be based on real energy efficiency, relative to competitors at home and overseas, whether or not efficiency improvements have been as a result of Climate Change Agreements.


98   Action Plan, p 34, Figure 4. Back

99   Source: Digest of UK Energy Statistics (http://www.dti.gov.uk/energy/inform/energy_stats/total_energy/dukes1_1_5.xls).  Back

100   The IEA/OECD's 30 years of energy use in IEA countries shows a broadly similar pattern for all developed economies: total manufacturing energy demand in IEA countries fell by 15 percent from 1973-2000, largely as a result of structural change. However, of the IEA-11 countries, the United Kingdom showed the lowest average rate of increase in manufacturing output (with the exception of Norway), and the highest rate of reduction in manufacturing energy use (see Figure 4-7). Back

101   See EU Emissions Trading Scheme: UK National Allocation Plan 2005-2007 (http://www.defra.gov.uk/corporate/consult/euetsnap-stagethree/nap.pdf). The figure of 736.3 MtCO2 represents the total quantity of allowances to be issued to participating installations over the three years of Phase 1 of the scheme (2005-07). Back


 
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