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Lord Rooker: My Lords, with what has been said in the other place and what I have said in this House, I hope that the alarm bells on the second aspect can be switched off. There is no question whatever about any joint control or joint sovereignty, or anything like that. I cannot make it any clearer than that. From what was said and what was printed, I understand why the alarm bells rang, but they can be switched off. It may not be very productive for me to second-guess what the parties will do on 15 May. The Assembly will be recalled and a presiding officer will be chosen. The structures are there. A short Bill will set out the rules for the Assembly. Obviously, the Assembly will not mirror exactly what happened before, because we want to give it time to get a First Minister and a Deputy First Minister, if possible. If that is not possible, there will be the summer recess—a 12-week gap—before 24 November, the final date.
I would not want to second-guess the situation. As I understand it—I have not been personally involved—enough discussions and talks have taken place in recent months, which culminated in the two Prime Ministers making their statements on 6 April. I do not want to second-guess the parties' views. We have set the ball rolling to reinstate the Assembly and
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we have to take a positive view of that. I hope that the second aspect raised by the noble Lord can be hit on the head very severely.
Lord Hylton: My Lords, I welcome the Government's efforts to concentrate the minds of the elected representatives in Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, it is clear that we are still faced with a deeply divided society. Therefore, I regret that we in this Parliament are to be faced with a very hurried legislative timetable. I also somewhat regret the way in which the noble Lords, Lord Glentoran and Lord Laird, sought to place the whole burden for making progress on the IRA. Have Ministers received evidence that a large, so-called loyalist paramilitary group is beginning to consider demilitarisation and decriminalisation? If, in practice, that should happen, would that not completely transform the political climate?
Lord Rooker: My Lords, I do not have any information on the final question raised by the noble Lord that I can usefully give the House. On the legislative timetable, I am told that the Bill is short. As the Statement said, it has only six or seven clauses. However, I believe that the Bill that took us into the Common Market was also a short Bill, so one cannot measure the length of time needed for the passage of a Bill by the number of clauses in it—in my years in both Houses, I have learnt that fact. However, the Bill is a very precisely targeted piece of legislation just to get the Assembly up and running and to give it extra time to see if it can choose a First Minister and a power-sharing executive. If not, there will be a recess—a 12-week period—in which to have another crack at it. In the meantime, there will be a chance to facilitate discussion on a range of issues affecting the people of Northern Ireland, of which Ministers can take account.
Lord Brooke of Sutton Mandeville: My Lords, in his Statement, the Secretary of State said:
"I will not delay in implementing vital reforms which this Government consider essential to the better running of Northern Ireland [and] . . . to put Northern Ireland on the road to becoming world class".
What are those particular reforms, and are they conducive to resolving the present crux?
Lord Rooker: My Lords, some of them were the subject of discussion in Grand Committee this afternoon, regarding the reform of public administration and local government. I also answered in some detail on the issue of education, another issue which people touched on. I have mentioned the issue of water reform, and there are some quite serious issues regarding domestic rating reform and the structure of local government finance. Some of the processes are well under way. This House deals with
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dozens of orders, which can take a longer period of time. We can therefore listen to the deliberations in the Assembly over this period in the summer.
Baroness Park of Monmouth: My Lords, perhaps the Minister can tell us whether in the many discussions that there are clearly going to be between the Government and the Assembly we will at any stage make it a requirement that the McCartney case comes to court and that the IRA recognise the existence of British justice? It seems to me that that is a test case that will make a lot of difference to anyone's belief in the possible future of an honourable, sensible Northern Ireland. The other point is that I would suggest that it might be worth while to do two things: first, to ensure that everybody understands that in the south, in Dublin, Sinn Fein is almost as much considered a threat by the ruling government as it is anywhere else. That may well allay people's anxieties about a joint condominium of Northern Ireland, because I think that both ends of the country have reason to worry about that. Secondly, I hope very much that it will be made very clear that there will be no private deals such as that on the on-the-runs. We need reassurance on that point too.
Lord Rooker: My Lords, I personally know of no private deals that have taken place or are planned. I do not think it would be helpful for me to comment in detail on the noble Baroness's first question, although it is a legitimate question that people will want to ask. The point is that the political parties need to build trust in this period of time. Each of them probably knows that to build that degree of trust it needs to get around the table. I gave an example earlier this afternoon where all four parties recently had discussions on domestic, local matters. They need to build that bit of trust if each of them wants any share of the success. The test in a way is: do they want a piece of the success? If they do, they have to build the trust of other parties. Most of the parties over there know what they need to do in order to do that.
Nigeria
6.23 pm
Viscount Waverley rose to ask Her Majesty's Government what is their response to recent developments in Nigeria.
The noble Viscount said: My Lords, I am saddened that the noble Lord, Lord Avebury, cannot join us this evening and would like, through the Minister, to wish him well.
It requires Nigerian resilience to lead Nigeria with its many challenges, its religious, ethnic and regional complexities. Mature democratic institutions have successfully replaced long years of military regimes, a free and critical press thrives, enforceable strategies to curb notorious corruption are emerging and forgiveness from the shackles of crippling debt have been negotiated. I wish to pay tribute to all the people of Nigeria for their tenacity in pursuit of those welcome developments.
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I should also like to register the deep respect for the traditional rulers. I have had the privilege to consult the Ooni of Ife, the Emir of Kano and the Igwe of Achalla over the years and know of their tireless efforts to foster tolerance and encourage change, recognising that Nigeria's strength lies in its diversity. They continue to make an important contribution to a democratic Nigeria. In support of this, the Commonwealth observer group determined that, generally, the will of the people was expressed in the 2003 presidential election, including that of governorships and the National Assembly.
The Nigerian Minister of Finance, a past senior member of the World Bank, recently identified important economic successes: macroeconomic stability; structural reforms, including the deregulation and liberalisation of a number of sectors; identifiable positive results of the transparency and anti-corruption drive; and the mounting of additional programmes through the Niger Delta Development Commission. Indeed, the improved World Bank standing to BB, ranking the economy's growth alongside that of Brazil and India, is evidence that governance appears to be on the right path and has generated much-needed confidence.
It is also recognized that sustained and appropriate engagement with the international community is fundamental. John Shears of Centrica, the UK's largest utility, who took part in the 2005 licensing round in Nigeria, extols,
"the increasing transparency demonstrated by the Nigerian authorities and their desire to work closely with the wider international community. Nigeria recognizes the need to continue its process of economic, social and political change and is making progress in doing so".
Perhaps the Minister would identify practical measures that the Government are entertaining to strengthen the relationship with this strategic partner, including how Nigeria will benefit from the Chancellor's African "Education For All" initiative.
Of course, many challenges remain, including poverty eradication, in particular the regional political balancing act; the impact of HIV/AIDS; terrorism and the often politically expedient exacerbation of Christian/Muslim tensions; the challenge of attracting foreign investment for infrastructure rehabilitation in an ever-increasing competitive environment; the new phenomenon of China's strategic engagement with Africa at large; and, finally, an unhealthy security situation in the delta oil-producing area.
Prolonged engagement in the Niger delta is initially being addressed by economic development measures. However, in recognition that the supply of illegal arms and ammunition continues to fuel the conflict, would Her Majesty's Government offer assistance in, for example, identifying supply sources?
West African peacekeeping owes much to the Nigerian commitment to regional stability and the responsibilities accruing to regional leadership. It should also be acknowledged that Charles Taylor was held, and returned, by Nigeria after consultation with the US, EU, UN and AU in order to create a
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favourable environment for peace in Liberia. Credit and thanks should be accorded to President Obasanjo for both.
Two matters are worthy of note. First, there is considerable criticism of the unbalanced reporting on the Hausa service of the BBC. Because the BBC is considered a mouthpiece of the British Government, such perceptions, fuelled by unbalanced reporting, can generate considerable ill-will, especially given the north/south divide in Nigeria.
Secondly, the Nigerians have severed the relationship allowing foreign news services to broadcast on FM. I have discussed this matter with the Minister of Information and the High Commissioner, Christopher Kolade, but I am sure that a word from the Minister, Lord Triesman, would be helpful on both counts.
Pending constitutional amendments to create a constitution relevant to a modem-day Nigeria are exercising the minds of most Nigerians these days. The National Assembly in Abuja has postponed its debate of these proposals and is expected to vote in two weeks or so. The effect of the 100-plus amendments would consolidate advances already made, as well as lay down a federal framework for equitable governance through six geopolitical zones on a rotational presidency; provide for increased and equitable distribution of wealth; professionalise the armed forces; strengthen the independence of the judiciary; and, importantly, remove immunity.
Those are advances on the 1999 military constitution, designed to encourage inclusion and full participation. Also pertinent is the suggestion that no attempt should be made to divide Nigeria or to undermine the north, that the quota system should be upheld, that the allocation to oil-producing states should be increased to 18 per cent, and that Obasanjo should not stay beyond 2011 if he is allowed to run again. The proposition of a possible extension of the presidential tenure has overshadowed all this. It is unclear whether President Obasanjo would contest the 2007 presidential election if offered the opportunity. Hard work would lie ahead, and he would need the renewed endorsement of his party, the PDP, and of the electorate in the upcoming presidential election.
The intricacies of Nigeria's internal affairs require a more resolute appreciation by external decision-makers. Stability is paramount and the promotion of accountability is essential, but respecting parliamentary due process is in the best interests of Nigeria, the region and beyond. International pronouncements about constitutional change unleashing turmoil and conflict are somewhat premature. While international friends have a duty to ensure fair play, intervention would be neither useful nor welcome. It is exactly such interference, which derives from a dearth of nuanced cultural and political understanding, which encourages upheavals. The State Department and the White House in particular have recently signalled their acceptance of the proposed amendments, and it would be helpful if the
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Minister clarified the Government's position tonight. I can tell the House that senior representatives of the north and east, whom I called on two weeks ago, were far from critical of these amendments and now believe them to be in the best interests of Nigeria and the international community.
In conclusion, safeguarding a democratic outcome to the constitutional amendments and recognising that Nigeria has come of age and is now master of its own destiny is the only sustainable policy. I wish Nigeria well.
6.32 pm
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