3 Derogation from the right to liberty in Article 5 ECHR
Derogation: background
45. As we have made clear above, we remain firmly of the view that the Government has not made out its case for changing the law to extend the maximum period of pre-charge detention to 42 days. Our clear recommendation therefore remains the deletion of the relevant provisions from the Bill, as we recommended in our last report.
46. In the course of the debate about the Government's 42 days proposal, it has increasingly stressed that what it seeks is in the nature of a reserve or contingency power, a "backstop" to deal with the truly exceptional situation in which the current exceptional limit of 28 days would not be enough. The Government has often put its case for its 42 days proposal in terms of a need to ensure that the police are ready to deal with a scenario in which multiple incidents occur or multiple plots are discovered at once, tying up the police's finite resources and making it impossible to gather sufficient evidence to charge within 28 days. As Home Office minister Tony McNulty MP graphically put it in a newspaper article, "imagine two or three 9/11s".[30]
47. We have no difficulty in accepting that a co-ordinated, large-scale attack on a nation's political, military and financial institutions, which of course is what happened on 9/11, constitutes a public emergency threatening the life of the nation. In such an extreme scenario, human rights law already provides the framework in which exceptions from the usually applicable norms are permitted, in the form of derogations. The ECHR provides for such a derogation where there is a "public emergency threatening the life of the nation" and the measures taken are "strictly required by the exigencies of the situation" and consistent with the UK's other international obligations.[31] The right to liberty in Article 5 ECHR is not one of the Convention Rights from which no derogation is permitted.[32] Such a derogation requires a public statement by the Secretary of State that there is an emergency threatening the life of the nation, and of the justification for the measures taken in response to that emergency.[33]
48. Under the Human Rights Act ("HRA"), the right to liberty in Article 5 ECHR has effect "subject to any designated derogation."[34] The Secretary of State has the power under the HRA to make a "designated derogation order", designating a derogation for the purposes of the Act.[35] The HRA also provides that a designation order may be made in anticipation of the making of a proposed derogation by the UK.[36] Both the derogating measure and the Secretary of State's accompanying derogation order would be subject to judicial review for compatibility with the requirements of Article 15 ECHR, just as the power to detain foreign nationals in the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001 and the accompanying derogation order were judicially reviewed in A v Secretary of State for the Home Department.[37]
49. Both the ECHR and the HRA therefore already provide for the possibility, in principle, of extending the period of pre-charge detention in a genuine emergency, in the form of the power to derogate from the right to liberty in Article 5 to the extent strictly required by the particular emergency. We remain firmly of the view that if there is a genuine emergency within the terms of Article 15 of the ECHR the Government should make its case for such a derogation and not seek new legislation.
Incorporating safeguards against improper derogation
50. As we stated in paragraph 45, above, the Government has not made its case for any increase in the period of pre-charge detention. There is a case for legislation which would provide in advance a detailed framework for the exercise of the power to derogate from particular rights in a particular context in a public emergency. Indeed, such legislation could be beneficial by enshrining clearly into law the requirements which must be met in order for such a derogation to be valid, and ensuring that the necessary safeguards against disproportionate exercise of the derogating power are already in place in advance of the power being used. In our view, this would be positively beneficial from a human rights perspective by ensuring that the necessary safeguards are firmly in place.
51. The Civil Contingencies Act, however, is not such a measure. The threshold for invoking the emergency powers in that Act is lower than a public emergency threatening the life of the nation, and the Act does not impose a requirement that the emergency measures must be "strictly required by the exigencies of the situation." If the Government's aim, as it appears to profess, is to set out in advance a detailed framework for dealing with a public emergency of the extreme kind it describes, it is seeking to achieve what in principle human rights law permits it to do provided certain conditions are satisfied. If the Government is seeking to provide a legal framework for derogating from Article 5 in the particular context of pre-charge detention, its proposals would need to be different in a number of significant respects. For example, the threshold for the availability of the exceptional power would have to be raised. The Government proposes that the trigger for the power is "exceptional operational need" in relation to a particular terrorism investigation. If the police and DPP report that they are likely to need more time for their investigation in relation to particular persons, that is sufficient to trigger the power. However, once it is appreciated that the 42 days proposal requires a derogation, it becomes clear that the trigger for the availability of the reserve power ought to be nothing less than that there is a public emergency threatening the life of the nation, and that making such extraordinary powers of pre-charge detention available is strictly required by the emergency.
52. This approach could also provide for Parliament to approve of the Secretary of State's order within a relatively short period, giving both Houses an opportunity to scrutinise the adequacy of the Secretary of State's case for derogation, applying the requirements of Article 15 ECHR (as opposed to considering the operational need fro an extension of time in relation to a particular investigation). If the Secretary of State's view, as expressed in the order bringing the reserve power into effect, were approved by both Houses within seven days, the order could then itself be subjected to independent scrutiny by the courts for compatibility with Article 15 of the Convention, which would include an independent assessment both of whether there really is a public emergency threatening the life of the nation, and of whether the extension of pre-charge detention is strictly required by the nature of the emergency.
53. This alternative, it seems to us, would provide much more stringent safeguards than are currently proposed by the Government.[38] It would ensure that there was an opportunity for both Parliament and the courts to scrutinise the derogation from Article 5, which in our view is inevitably involved in extending the period of pre-charge detention beyond 28 days.
54. It would also, we hope, make it more likely that the Government will improve the judicial safeguards at pre-charge detention hearings. The Government will have a greater prospect of persuading a court that the availability of the reserve power to detain pre-charge for up to 42 days is "strictly required" if the judicial safeguards at extended detention hearings are strengthened, so as to ensure that such hearings provide an early and genuine opportunity to mount an effective and meaningful challenge to the reasons why a suspect is being held.
55. We therefore recommend that the opportunity be taken in the Bill to provide a clear framework for any future derogation from the right to liberty in this particular context. This is not an alternative to, but complements, the other elements in the package of measures we have recommended in our previous reports. We remain of the view that the case for 42 days detention has not been made, that the availability of alternatives makes it unnecessary, and that it would inevitably breach Article 5 ECHR. In our view, however, providing a detailed framework for any future derogation is a human rights compliant alternative to the Government's approach: it both recognises that human rights law can accommodate a wholly exceptional power to extend the pre-charge detention limit in a case of genuine public emergency, and at the same time ensures that the scope of any such future derogation will be strictly confined to that which is permitted by the ECHR. We suggest the following amendments to the Bill to give effect to this recommendation.
Page 64, Schedule 2, line 25, insert-
'(2) 'emergency' means a public emergency in respect of which there is a designated derogation from the whole or a part of Article 5 of the Human Rights Convention.'
Page 64, Schedule 2, line 26, leave out paragraph 39.
Page 65, Schedule 2, line 29, at end insert-
'if the following conditions are satisfied:
(a) there is an emergency;
(b) making the derogating power available is strictly required by the emergency; and
(c) the availability of the derogating power is consistent with the UK's other international obligations.'
Page 66, Schedule 2, line 6, leave out sub-sub paragraph (b).
Page 66, Schedule 2, line 8, leave out "that the Secretary of State is" and insert "the Secretary of State's reasons for being".
Page 66, Schedule 2, line 9, leave out lines 9 to 15 and insert-
'(a) that there is an emergency;
(b) that making the derogating power available is strictly required by the emergency; and
(c) that the availability of the derogating power is consistent with the UK's other international obligations.'
Page 69, Schedule 2, line 6, leave out '30' and insert 'seven'.
Page 69, Schedule 2, line 9, leave out '30' and insert 'seven'.
30 "Minister warns of 'peril' as he pushes for 42 day lock-up", Daily Mirror, 23 Jan 2008. Back
31 Article 15(1) ECHR. Back
32 Under Article 15(2) ECHR no derogations are permitted from Articles 2, 3, 4(1) or 7. Back
33 Article 15(3) ECHR which requires the UK to keep the Secretary General of the Council of Europe fully informed of the measures which it has taken and the reasons therefor. Back
34 Human Rights Act 1998, s. 1(2). Back
35 Human Rights Act 1998, s. 14(1)(b). Back
36 Ibid., s. 14(6). Back
37 [2004] UKHL 56. Back
38 The Table in Annex 1 compares the strength of the safeguards under the Bill (after the possible Government amendments), the Civil Contingencies Act and our proposal. Back
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