UNCORRECTED TRANSCRIPT OF ORAL EVIDENCE To be published as HC 246-ii

House of COMMONS

MINUTES OF EVIDENCE

TAKEN BEFORE

WELSH AFFAIRS COMMITTEE

 

 

WALES AND WHITEHALL

 

 

Tuesday 19 January 2010

DR JIM GALLAGHER

MR ANDREW DAVIES AM

Evidence heard in Public Questions 112 - 223

 

 

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Oral Evidence

Taken before the Welsh Affairs Committee

on Tuesday 19 January 2010

Members present

Dr Hywel Francis, in the Chair

Mr David Jones

Alun Michael

Albert Owen

Mark Williams

________________

Witness: Dr Jim Gallagher, Director General of Devolution, Ministry of Justice, gave evidence.

Q112 Chairman: Good morning and welcome to the Welsh Affairs Committee and this inquiry on Wales and Whitehall. For the record, could you please introduce yourself?

Dr Gallagher: My name is Jim Gallagher. I am the Director General of Devolution working for the UK Government principally in the Ministry of Justice.

Q113 Chairman: By way of background, I want to begin by posing you this very first question: putting it in the context of our earlier inquiry into the Legal Services Commission, a sense of uncertainty really that Whitehall was not quite sure of what it was doing in terms of devolution - putting it at its politest level; also the Justice Committee's recent very good report; and identifying we also shared a concern, namely that responsibility, as the Justice Committee said, for the devolution settlement sitting with the Ministry of Justice and, at the same time, an apparent coordinating role of the Cabinet Office; can you explain to us the practical difference between those two responsibilities?

Dr Gallagher: I think, Chairman, probably the best way to address that question is to think of the tasks and responsibilities that the UK Government has for Wales post-devolution. There are a number of things that any central government would have to do in respect of Wales. Firstly, it has to look out for the interests of Wales - that is part of the central government's responsibility. Secondly, it has to manage the relationship with the devolved institution, and that principally concerns ensuring that the interaction between those powers which are devolved at Cardiff and those powers which remain with the UK Government is properly and successfully integrated, if you like. I think I would start by putting my hand up and saying that we have not always got that perfectly right. Thirdly, there is the responsibility of managing the devolution settlement - the constitution of Wales, if you like. Those functions are spread across government. They are spread across essentially three institutions: the first is the Wales Office - which we can talk a little bit about later if you like - which in particular is responsible for looking after the interests of Wales inside the UK Government, and for the management of the constitutional settlement; and between the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Justice. The Cabinet Office is a coordinating department; that is what it does for a living. It coordinates inside government and it coordinates, insofar as it has responsibility for the joint ministerial committees - again which we can talk about more if you wish - across governments, and across the UK Government and the devolved administrations. The Ministry of Justice, where I principally work, is responsible for the constitution, and to the extent that there is an overall strategy for devolution across the UK in Wales, Scotland and, to some degree, Northern Ireland, the Ministry of Justice takes responsibility for that. This allocation of responsibilities I would freely admit is something which is historically contingent; it has grown up like that.

Q114 Chairman: It sounds very grand, the way you describe it. Could I give you two examples where, even at the simplest level, the Ministry of Justice has failed in terms of the Legal Services Commission and the inadequacy of its raising of the profile and understanding of devolution; and, secondly, the fact that you still do not have a Welsh language scheme. How would you explain that, given that you have this very grand responsibility and yet at the most basic level you are not discharging those responsibilities particularly well?

Dr Gallagher: The Ministry of Justice in this context has two sets of functions, if you like. Firstly, it is a Justice Ministry for England and Wales; and, like every other Whitehall ministry that has responsibilities in England and Wales or in England, Wales and Scotland, it has to take account of devolution in discharging its own business. Secondly, it has this, as it were, strategic role in relation to devolution itself. I think it would be fair to say that some Whitehall departments and some parts of Whitehall departments do better than others in ensuring that devolution is reflected in their daily business; and I think we would have to put up our hands particularly in relation to the business of the Legal Services Commission that we did not get that one right, and that is regrettable. I think it is fair to say that we would hope to do better in the future. You might reasonably ask what we are going to do about that. Just as the Ministry of Justice is a Whitehall department, it is part of a programme that we are running at present, which is a bit like painting the Forth Road Bridge, of constantly trying to improve the knowledge and understanding of Whitehall departments of devolution. I think, again, it is fair to say that some departments do better than others; but, more particularly, some bits of some departments do better than other bits of the same ones. In the Ministry of Justice case we got that one wrong - no doubt about that.

Q115 Chairman: If I could pursue that. You say that some departments do better than others, but surely you should be amongst the best?

Dr Gallagher: I would accept that, yes.

Q116 Chairman: To come back to the original question about the difference between the role of the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Justice, I am still unclear as to why after ten years there seems to be some confusion of the roles?

Dr Gallagher: The allocation of responsibilities has changed over that ten years and certainly has not been the same throughout it. As it were, policy responsibility for devolution originally rested in the Cabinet Office in 1997-99, when the devolution settlements were created; it remained there for a while. I then moved to the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, and I think that would be about 2001-02 - although I stand to be corrected on that. When that Office was abolished, responsibility moved to the then Department for Constitutional Affairs and the policy responsibility then became part of the Ministry of Justice when that ministry was created. For most of that period, however, the Cabinet Office retained responsibility for the joint ministerial committees, which for a good part of the period were not particularly active.

Q117 Albert Owen: You said quite honestly that you had not got integration right, and you explained early on that the Cabinet Office had that lead role. What do you say today to the argument, and pursuing what you have just said, that the Cabinet Office because of its close links with the Prime Minister is a better place for devolution to sit, particularly with the revival of the joint ministerial committees with all its services?

Dr Gallagher: My answer to that would have to be, first of all, that the allocation of ministerial responsibilities is not for me - it is for the Prime Minister - and you will understand that. There would certainly be alternative ways of organising devolution across government which would be potentially at least as good, or even potentially perhaps better, than what we have got. Nevertheless, the same functions have to be discharged; the same things have to be done. In particular, the official structure has to support the ministerial responsibilities that there are. The present government has pursued since 1997 a policy of constitutional reform, of which devolution is an important part and it is still going on, as you will understand. Of course, Parliament is considering a constitutional reform bill at the moment. There would need to be on any view quite a close integration of work on devolution with work on the constitution, as well as a close integration between the coordinating work of the Cabinet Office who have the opportunity to look across government and see what is going on and spot issues which might have a devolution aspect. There is nothing new or unique, I am afraid, in issues connected with Wales - or indeed for that matter Scotland or Northern Ireland - being sometimes not spotted early enough. This has not been created by devolution. Wales has had a relationship with Whitehall since before devolution and the same issues, I am entirely sure, arose then as arise now.

Q118 Albert Owen: Could I put this to you then: what you are saying is there is a cumbersome department called the Ministry of Justice, which was called the Department of Constitutional Affairs, which has a huge workload but you have a Cabinet Office with a minister without portfolio who can perhaps spot these things quicker, deal with it quicker in the machinery in Whitehall?

Dr Gallagher: Of course I would never call the Ministry of Justice "cumbersome" - certainly not - but it is a big department, there is no doubt about that, and its main business is running the justice system in England and Wales; but it does also have the constitutional responsibility, which is important in its own respect. As far as ministerial responsibility is concerned, the prime ministerial responsibility for issues in relation to Wales undoubtedly rests with the Secretary of State for Wales; because managing the relationship between Westminster and Whitehall and Cardiff, or between Wales and Whitehall to use the title of your inquiry, is something which has both an official and a political dimension. We should not think of it only as a piece of bureaucratic machinery; it is very properly a political relationship too.

Q119 Albert Owen: I think we have pursued that long enough. What are the main current issues for the Ministry of Justice in relation to devolution in Wales?

Dr Gallagher: I would regard the two main strategic issues for Welsh devolution as, first of all, the question of whether there should or should not be and when there might be a referendum in relation to the transfer of legislative competence. That is obviously a major issue. The initiative with that, as you well understand, lies in Wales - lies in the Assembly - first of all. That is a big strategic issue. Alongside that, we have the present system under the Government of Wales Act and the learning process that we have gone through on how better to make work the transfer of legislative competence in chunks through legislative incentives. There is that bundle of issues about legislation. The second big policy issue, which again has been initiated in Wales obviously, is the funding system. That is a major political and policy question. On a day-to-day basis, however, there is a whole range of policy issues that emerge, sometimes in government departments, sometimes externally; but there is a Welsh dimension that has to be managed. Sometimes that is done purely bilaterally between the devolved bodies in Wales and the relevant government department; sometimes that involves the intervention of the Wales Office, or indeed potentially also the Cabinet Office.

Q120 Albert Owen: So it is those three big issues. The big issue is obviously the Wales Office. So they would be dealing predominantly with, and liaising with, yourselves?

Dr Gallagher: Yes.

Q121 Albert Owen: I ask specifically if the Ministry of Justice is concentrating on those three big issues?

Dr Gallagher: It slightly depends what you mean by the Ministry of Justice. If you mean the Ministry of Justice in its constitutional role - what I do for a living - then those are the issues that worry me.

Q122 Alun Michael: As a background, I do not think we should be too surprised that the Department of Justice was pretty dysfunctional after a major change in departmental organisation and responsibilities; and that perhaps we see signs of recovery after that period, as often happens.

Dr Gallagher: I am glad to hear that you do!

Q123 Alun Michael: I am an optimist by nature! In the evidence we heard from Sir Jon Shortridge he was extremely dismissive of the role of the Department of Justice; in fact what he told us was that when he was Permanent Secretary he only engaged with the Ministry of Justice very rarely on Welsh matters, and essentially said it really just provided pay and rations for the Wales Office staff. Do you think that is a fair assessment; and what value do you think the Department of Justice adds in respect of Wales?

Dr Gallagher: At the mechanical level, first of all, it does indeed provide pay and rations, which is not a trivial thing. A very small department like the Wales Office or its counterpart the Scotland Office needs a big brother to do that kind of stuff. Secondly, for the last two and a half years or so the Ministry of Justice - which it did not before - has contained my own post, which is essentially a Civil Service line management post for the territorial offices, including the Wales Office. There are, as I was saying to Mr Owen, some quite deep and complicated policy connections inside the constitutional arm of the Ministry of Justice; but in terms of pursuing the development of the Welsh settlement or the coordination of Welsh policy - policy as it affects Wales in Whitehall - I would not regard the Ministry of Justice as the main actor in that. You are looking slightly puzzled, Mr Michael. Have I not quite answered your question correctly?

Q124 Alun Michael: I suppose one would hope the Department of Justice would be joined up in itself. What disturbs me - and I know a number of other MPs and members of the House of Lords - is that, for instance in dealing with the Department of Justice's own legislation, there have been times where officials do not seem to understand the settlement. The example I would give would be the legislation to protect NHS staff. Granted it is another bit of the department rather than yours, but it was deeply disturbing that they did not seem to have a clue and effectively cut out Wales in respect of what was a criminal justice issue, rather than a matter of devolution.

Dr Gallagher: Was that the Ministry of Justice?

Q125 Alun Michael: Yes, too right it was! It took a bit of digging to discover that. What happened in that was, there was a clause in the bill which was creating a new offence in order to protect NHS staff and the eventual outcome was quite right, which was that the use of the clause could be trigged in England by a request from the Department of Health from the NHS in England, and triggered in Wales by a request from the NHS in Wales and devolved ministers. So the outcome was fine but it was just not in the bill and was actually picked up in the House of Lords; it had not been spotted because of the rather curious drafting. That leads one to ask: if the Ministry of Justice, which has responsibility for devolution, cannot get its act together in terms of understanding its own legislation, how can it properly lead understanding in other parts of Whitehall?

Dr Gallagher: I regard that as an entirely fair criticism, although when one looks at this again in an "historical perspective" (and I have been on both sides of the devolved and reserved boundary here) devolution is only one of many issues that someone promoting a particular policy initiative - and let us take the example of protection health workers - has to bear in mind now. Of course, they should bear it in mind, and they should bear it in mind at the right time. Nevertheless, one can understand - perhaps under political pressure or perhaps under pressure of time - why devolution gets left until quite near the end, and sometimes it falls off the end; but that is wrong and undesirable, I have no doubt about that. I do not think the Ministry of Justice is any worse than other departments in that respect. I would hope that by continuing, as I say, to paint the Forth Road Bridge we would ensure that it was at least as good as any other department, if not better.

Q126 Alun Michael: I think we would probably say all power to your elbow in sorting out the other silos in the department, and good luck with it

Dr Gallagher: I am grateful for that.

Q127 Alun Michael: Do you actually meet your opposite numbers in the Cabinet Office and the Wales Office to discuss how you take issues forward? Do you do that with both of them at the same time?

Dr Gallagher: Yes.

Q128 Alun Michael: How do you avoid duplication or issues falling between perhaps three stools on the assumption that the Wales Office will do it all? Or is the assumption that the Cabinet Office will do it all?

Dr Gallagher: I think that is an entirely sensible question to ask because we have this distribution responsibility. At a very simple level, every week I meet with the territorial offices, the Cabinet Office, colleagues from the Treasury and a number of others to make sure that we have spotted as many of the issues as we can. I do not guarantee we spot them all every week.

Q129 Alun Michael: That happens as a matter of regular course?

Dr Gallagher: It happens every week - this afternoon, as it happens.

Q130 Alun Michael: Just for the record, I wonder if you could tell us how many of the staff who work in your team deal specifically with Welsh issues, and what sot of proportion that is of your team?

Dr Gallagher: In the Ministry of Justice?

Q131 Alun Michael: Yes.

Dr Gallagher: There are two full-time staff in the Ministry of Justice dealing with devolution policy; neither of them are wholly allocated to Wales.

Q132 Alun Michael: Are both of them engaged to some extent?

Dr Gallagher: To some extent, yes.

Q133 Mr Jones: Dr Gallagher, the Wales Office in its memo to this inquiry has acknowledged that some Whitehall departments are better than others in dealing with the implications and consequences of devolution. Who or what instruments have been set up to monitor the quality of departments' handling of devolution issues?

Dr Gallagher: I think it would probably be fairer to say that some bits of some departments are better than others. The most obvious risk is where a department or a part of a department does not frequently interact with the devolved system, and there the risk is highest; and that is particularly true, I think it is fair to say, of arm's length bodies of departments. You gave the example earlier on of the Legal Services Commission. What we are currently doing - this does not quite answer your question, I realise - is we have invited (and by "we" I mean the Ministry of Justice and the Cabinet Office, with the authority of the Head of the Civil Service) all Whitehall departments to review both their own performance and their capability for dealing with devolution issues. We have asked them to complete that work in the next month or so. That will give us an assessment of both performance and capability across Whitehall.

Q134 Mr Jones: This has relatively recently been instituted?

Dr Gallagher: That is right, yes.

Q135 Mr Jones: Is my inference correct then that there was no mechanism set up beforehand to monitor the quality of departments' handling of devolution issues?

Dr Gallagher: I would not describe the way in which we previously sought to catch the balls that might otherwise be dropped as a monitoring of quality, but it was certainly a monitoring of what went on. I would not claim that we had given Whitehall departments marks out of ten for performance in this. Our principal aim over the last 18 months or so has been to increase awareness and to coordinate better. I could not give you a league table of departments' performance.

Q136 Mr Jones: You mentioned that of course this process has now been established to examine various departments' handling of devolution. Are you able to say what sort of findings are emerging from that study at the moment?

Dr Gallagher: Superficially, because this is based on work not yet completed, I think the issues that we have seen arising are, first, as I said earlier, it is those part of departments which have infrequent cause to address themselves to devolution questions, whether in respect of Scotland or Wales, which are at the greatest risk of tripping over something. Second, I think we have found that an obvious indicator of better performance is a senior champion inside the department for the operation of devolution, which makes sense. All departments have some institutional way of dealing with devolution: a senior champion seems to work best of all.

Q137 Mr Jones: That in fact is something that Sir Jon Shortridge last week suggested to this Committee, that there should be a senior official in each department dedicated to considering the implications of devolution so far as it affects that department?

Dr Gallagher: Yes.

Q138 Mr Jones: Do we know yet how the results or the findings of this examination will be acted upon? Has that been decided yet, or are you awaiting the findings first?

Dr Gallagher: First of all, we need to see the findings. This is, as it were, an official exercise rather than a political one; although I am in no doubt that it has the blessing of ministers. I am entirely clear that when this work is done each department will act upon the recommendations it has made to itself, as it were. They will be discussed before long at the regular meeting of permanent secretaries, where the work was commissioned in the first place.

Q139 Mark Williams: Could I move you more generally to the issue of raising awareness. In the written submission we had from the Wales Office it clearly said the Ministry of Justice leading on awareness-raising with the Cabinet Office; and it detailed some of the devices used; the National School for Government modules, the development of e-learning and awareness events and things like that. Are there clear and measurable objectives across Whitehall for awareness?

Dr Gallagher: I would not describe the objectives as "measurable" because I am not quite sure how one would measure awareness, but it is worth reflecting on whether that is something we ought to do actually.

Q140 Mark Williams: It strikes me you have got the strategy in place; you have got the devices in place; but at the end of the day how are we to judge their success?

Dr Gallagher: I suppose what you are suggesting to me is: should we do some kind of dipstick every so often and find out if people do in fact have a clue.

Q141 Mark Williams: Absolutely.

Dr Gallagher: It is not a bad idea at all!

Q142 Mark Williams: Following on from that, the awareness-raising work is shared between the territorial offices, between the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Justice. Who is going to be accountable for that work, which permanent secretary?

Dr Gallagher: That is a good question. It reflects the distributed responsibility, and ultimately I think I am responsible for that one.

Q143 Mark Williams: The Civil Service is facing severe and growing financial challenges. If you are the man responsible, how can you be sure that in that environment the awareness- raising we have spoken about will be carried forward vigorously?

Dr Gallagher: Ultimately this is a question of the priority afforded to the task. You are absolutely right to say that, along with the rest of the public sector, the Civil Service will face really quite stringent financial constraints. Within those constraints, those tasks to which priority is given are the ones that will get done. In the end that is a matter of political choice. If ministers think that this matter deserves priority then it will be given priority. Is it possible, you are implicitly asking, to ensure that we do more here with less? Yes, it is possible to do that. That might involve slightly different ways of working. It might involve organisational change to use our resources more efficiently. It is easy, as I said earlier on, to think of this as purely a bureaucratic task; and of course there is bureaucratic machinery that has to be created to run it; but ultimately the relationships between elected bodies are political relationships, and they are relationships which have evolved over time and almost certainly will evolve further as politics moves on and the complexion of the administration changes. We have just seen, for example, a change of First Minister in Wales. What I think is pretty clear to me is - that as the devolution settlement for Wales, and indeed for Scotland, embeds itself further in the constitution - just how obvious the need to manage that relationship will become clearer to politicians on both sides, and that will translate itself into priority given to officials for the task.

Q144 Mark Williams: I think that is the key to it, is it not? I think it is not just as you alluded to in your answer to Mr Jones' questions - if you like, the event-driven awareness - it is embedding that much more deeply. It is hard to quantify; it is hard to measure; but it is nonetheless fundamental to the debate we are having, is it not?

Dr Gallagher: Yes, I agree with you.

Q145 Albert Owen: You considered yourself earlier on as a sort of line manager across the nations with regard to devolution. Can you tell us: what are the main problems of Whitehall in dealing with Welsh devolution matters, and how these compare with Scotland and Northern Ireland?

Dr Gallagher: Let me start with the second half of your question because that takes us into the first half. How do the issues that emerge in relation to Scotland compare with those in relation to Wales?

Q146 Albert Owen: And Northern Ireland.

Dr Gallagher: And indeed Northern Ireland. Let me start with Scotland and Wales, and come back to Northern Ireland. First, the Scottish devolution settlement is wider in scope and, in some respects, better established, particularly because of the legislative powers that the Scottish Parliament enjoys; and, particularly the legislative part of it, that gives rather greater salience to Scottish issues at the centre, because we have to think about how they impact on the UK's legislative programme. Increasingly, we will have to do that in respect of Wales. It has not been a big issue so far. It is probably fair to say Scotland, being bigger, has had more of a footprint in Whitehall over the years than Wales has. This is not necessarily a devolution issue. It was true when we had a Scottish Office and a Wales Office. I say that, not to suggest that Wales' objective should be to become Scotland-light; this is just a fact of history. The second difference however, between the issues that arise in Scotland and Wales, reflects the facts of geography almost; and that is, there are many more day-to-day cross-border issues in relation to Wales than there are in relation to Scotland. That is just a fact of where the border runs and the proportion of the population. It is quite instructive to compare Wales and Scotland with Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has always been further away. At least, formally speaking, the bundle of responsibilities that are devolved in Northern Ireland is actually wider in most respects than in Wales and Scotland. For example, formally speaking, social security is devolved in Northern Ireland where, as a matter of practice, there is an agreement that it should always be the same; and that is lost in the mists of history. That goes back to 1923 and before that. Northern Ireland is in some respects on a daily basis less impacted by Whitehall issues than either Wales or Scotland. I suppose one of the lessons I draw from that is, in a sense, the same point as I was making in relation to Mr Williams' question, and that is that ultimately Whitehall is a servant and a creature of ministers, and properly a creature of a political system. It is when there is a requirement politically to manage a relationship that Whitehall gears itself to do what ministers ask it to do. That is true in relation to Wales; and it is true in relation to Scotland. It has been less of an issue in relation to Northern Ireland, because of course the focus there has always been for a number of years now on the creation and sustaining of the devolved institutions, rather than business as usual in devolution, which is what we have in Scotland and Northern Ireland.

Q147 Albert Owen: That was a very interesting answer and what you said about the wider scope regarding Scotland, and with Wales the cross-border issues. That is something this Committee has taken very seriously when we have looked into this area. Do you think when the devolution settlements were going through Parliament that those cross-border issues were overlooked?

Dr Gallagher: I do not think they were overlooked particularly, because if you are going to have devolution to Wales the border is where it is. It would not be possible to create a system in which Wales is allowed to have choice and be different and pursue its own policies without creating some issue to be managed across the border, just because of the distribution of population. It would not be fair to say they were overlooked, because no other answer could have been given, other than there will be such problems or issues - let us not call them problems. Such issues are inevitably much more important for the devolved institution than they are for the UK, simply because of the size. It is a much more significant proportion of the Welsh population that might be affected by a cross-border issue than proportion of the English population. Having the facts of Wales, the geography of Wales, and the nature of the place of the border and the distribution of people around it, it is a fact which the devolved administration has to take account of; and indeed so does the UK but it is much more importantly, understandably, for Cardiff.

Q148 Albert Owen: But it is important to those regions on the border?

Dr Gallagher: Of course it is, yes.

Q149 Albert Owen: What you are giving to me I think is a London-centric view of things. That is what I am asking. As devolution has progressed, perhaps that was the missing link for those borders and those regions close to the border?

Dr Gallagher: It is a long time since I have been called London-centric, but that is fair enough.

Q150 Albert Owen: Your accent does not say it!

Dr Gallagher: You have got the hint there! This is quite a difficult one, because when we look at the border regions we are looking typically not at the functions of central government (which I admit to being obsessed by) but at the functions of local government. There may well be some work to do there on helping those local authorities who abut the border on both sides to think of how they manage across the border. Given the salience of this issue for the Welsh Assembly and the Welsh Assembly Government, I would not be surprised if the initiative for that arose there rather than here.

Q151 Albert Owen: We actually did the inquiry into instigating it and it was very helpful - the Welsh Assembly Government's attitude to it. The other thing you touched on was the Government of Wales Act and the Legislative Competence Orders that come from that. Since those have been place, and I know it is developing, do you think Whitehall has become a better place with regard to Wales and Welsh legislation?

Dr Gallagher: A better place?

Q152 Albert Owen: My words.

Dr Gallagher: Indeed. Of course, every day, in every way we are getting better. I think what is happening is that the LCO system is unique, and it is certainly unique inside the United Kingdom. The first few times we tried to make it work were quite difficult because we were learning. It seems to me that the system has got rather slicker and we have got a bit better at doing it. It is not the simplest system in the world but it has been made to work successfully. The effects on Whitehall I think are two-fold. The first couple of these did cause distress; there is no doubt about that. They caused difficulty as people struggled with understanding the difference between the transfer of legislative competence and some kind of mechanism that might look like shared responsibility for legislation. The system, as a matter of law, is the first one of those, although politically one can understand why it might share the characteristics of the second. As time has gone on, and a few more Orders have come along, the first effect has been that we have learned how to do them better. The second - and I would not say this is a big effect but it is a real effect, I think - is that Wales has become, in competence terms, a little more like the Scottish settlement; it has a bit more legislative competence, and that has raised its profile inside Whitehall, no doubt about that. When a body like the Assembly has legislative competence its impact, or potential impact, on Whitehall and indeed on Westminster is greater and therefore its salience, if you like, is increased.

Q153 Albert Owen: I used the word "better" and you used the word "slicker". Can we suggest that it has "improved"?

Dr Gallagher: Yes, I think it has improved.

Q154 Alun Michael: Just on the point of the LCO, I must say it is quite exciting, and would be to most ministers, to think of the concept of Whitehall gearing up to fulfil the will of ministers! To a degree that happens, but can I put it to you: that may be true when an issue is live, but the problem in relation to devolution is that the gearing up is not so apparent once an issue is no longer live. I do not know if you are familiar with the novels of Terry Pratchett but there is the concept of small gods where if they are not thought of by people then they cease to exist; and there are areas of policy which fall out of Whitehall's agenda because they are not being lifted back up by ministers. When ministers have moved on they think that is settled; in fact it very often is not embedded into the Whitehall mindset. Would you agree that that is a problem with some aspects of the devolution settlement in Wales?

Dr Gallagher: I think that is not an unfair description of how public business is in general discharged. Of course, where you stand depends on where you sit on this. If you are a civil servant of course you tend to think you do nothing but what ministers want; and when you are a minister - as you will remember, Mr Michael - essentially you wonder what the devil these people do all day! Nevertheless, you are right to say that if the eye of political attention moves off an issue it is only a human reaction that it gets less priority; and it is the nature of prioritisation that something has to move down the list. I think it might be a fair criticism of the overall Whitehall system that after the first flush of enthusiasm for devolution in 1999 that everybody across Whitehall was very well aware of what happened, perhaps slightly bemused by it - because it was done at a great pace between 1997 and 1999. Nothing very much seemed to go wrong. There was political congruence in Cardiff and London, and indeed in Edinburgh and London, and perhaps attention did move off it for a while. A number of things I think have come together to change that. Obviously there is political change in Edinburgh and that has increased the attention given to Scottish issues; and the recognition in the period up to the Government of Wales Act that what we had done in Wales in 1999 did not quite work, was not quite right, upped the attention again. It took us a while collectively to get the machinery of the Government of Wales Act working. It is now working and the issue of potential further legislative competence is now in the political domain, and of this you are all very, very well aware. That I think will, for now at least, ensure that political attention is given to Wales in a way which it might not have been, let us say, in 2003.

Q155 Alun Michael: Would you say then - in the way you have described the LCO process has turned out to be a success story - it is one of the factors that actually has kept up awareness of the development settlement in Whitehall?

Dr Gallagher: It is undoubtedly the case that we have managed to make LCOs work. When I arrived in my present position just two years ago we had not actually done a successful LCO; so the fact that we have now done a good number - as well as, you understand, legislating in primary legislation to transfer legislative competence - is something of an achievement. It has undoubtedly caused a ripple here and there in Whitehall - of course it has; because what the process does is transfer power from one place to another, and the transfer of power is inevitably something which attracts attention.

Q156 Chairman: I was trying to pick up on the verb you used about the LCOs. You said you "did" them or you had "done" them? Did you say that?

Dr Gallagher: I cannot remember exactly what verb I used; but what I meant was they had been done - let us go into the passive.

Q157 Chairman: We also had a role in that as well.

Dr Gallagher: Indeed. I am very well aware of that.

Q158 Mr Jones: Just pursuing the discussion, of course the transfer of competence by the LCO procedure and indeed by the framework power procedure is not the end of the road; the next step clearly will be for the Assembly to legislate through Assembly measures?

Dr Gallagher: Yes.

Q159 Mr Jones: Relatively few of those have actually been passed to date?

Dr Gallagher: Yes.

Q160 Mr Jones: Clearly as time goes by there will be more. To what extent does your Department interface with the Welsh Assembly Government over the process of Assembly measures? Clearly, as we discussed a few moments ago, there will undoubtedly be impact not only within Wales but across the border, because of the fact, as you said, that the populations of Wales and England are so much closer together than they are between England and Scotland. Clearly your Department will be concerned, I imagine. I wonder to what extent you liaise with the Assembly Government over the progress of Assembly measures?

Dr Gallagher: The answer to your question is: not a great deal for two reasons. One, there have not been very many measures yet and the system is still only at its beginning. Secondly, this is, however, an example of what you might call asymmetry in the situation. Most of the problems which have concerned you in the relationship between Wales and Whitehall are the unwanted impact or the imperfect design of some piece of UK policy as it affects Wales. Mr Michael gave an example about NHS workers. As the Assembly gains particularly legislative competence there will be a risk of Assembly measures having an unwanted consequence in the other direction. So far that has not been a big issue. As competence gets bigger it will be an issue that requires to be managed, but as of now it is not something we have devoted much time or energy to.

Q161 Mr Jones: Do you anticipate that you will have to do so?

Dr Gallagher: I think we will have to devote a little more. Obviously it depends on the rate of transfer of power, the breadth of the powers that are transferred and the measures that are chosen.

Q162 Mr Jones: The concern is that Cardiff and London legislate in silos without being certain of what is happening on the other side of the border?

Dr Gallagher: Indeed. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander in this. If it is appropriate for Whitehall to consider the impact of its actions on devolved responsibilities, so it is appropriate for the devolved institution to consider the impact particularly of its legislative measures on reserved responsibilities.

Q163 Mr Jones: There is no machinery at all being set up?

Dr Gallagher: Not as yet because it has not been a major issue so far. I may say, just to complete that question, it is a more major issue in respect of Scotland. The machinery does exist to deal with that.

Q164 Alun Michael: The Chairman earlier referred to the issues regarding the Legal Services Commission and the Cardiff Office. As a result of that, there was agreement that there should be a review of the Devolution Guidance Note No. 4, indeed in response to our recommendation in this Committee's report. Can you tell us what progress has been made on that review?

Dr Gallagher: It is still going on, Chairman. I am just looking to my notes to see exactly how much work has been done. It is not yet complete, but it is still in hand. I would hope that we would have it completed in the first quarter of this year. I would hope that.

Q165 Alun Michael: I think we were hoping that it would be completed a little more briskly than that so that this Committee would be able to see what the outcome of the recommendation was?

Dr Gallagher: We shall do our best to meet your needs.

Q166 Alun Michael: That is helpful. Again, the Chairman, referred to the proposal to close the Legal Services Commission Cardiff Office. You referred earlier to the fact that very often an understanding of the settlement is perhaps a little more vague in the arm's length bodies of government departments, and this was a case in point. Indeed, I think it is fair to say that in the evidence that we took the Minister who was in attendance, Lord Bach, effectively had to rescue the officials of the Legal Services Commission from continuing to dig a whole even deeper. You have made a number of efforts to put things right. What progress has been made, and what remains to be done?

Dr Gallagher: This goes back I think to Mr Jones' or Mr Williams' question: just how do we know how successful we have been? An obvious measure is: do we foul up again? At some point, whether it is in an arm's length body of the Ministry of Justice or somewhere else in Whitehall, somebody will foul-up again. As I said earlier, devolution is only one of many issues that people have to deal with. What we have to try and do is minimise the number of occasions in which that happens, and ensure that when it does we can fix it pretty quickly. I think what I would claim for Whitehall as a whole is that when it realises it is in a hole it usually does manage to stop digging.

Q167 Alun Michael: I think one of the concerns as well in that particular case was that the consultation and communication with Welsh Members of Parliament was particularly poor. Indeed, we sometimes have occasions when a department or an agency seem to feel there is a need to have some dialogue with the Assembly and that is welcome, but then to overlook the need to be well connected with Parliament. Do you think you are making progress in overcoming that tendency to ignore Members of Parliament?

Dr Gallagher: I would hope so. I think it is a symptom of a slightly wider difficulty which in some ways epitomises what we are talking about here. A number of people have made the valid criticism of how Whitehall deals with devolution; that it continues - and we continue sometimes - to regard the devolved administrations as the government departments they used to be. I think there is a kind of almost default bureaucratic assumption that falls into that space, and they are not; they are separate bodies with their own accountability; with their own democratic mandate and so on. Conversely, just as they are not merely the government departments they used to be, nor are they government departments. There are bits of the UK machinery which deal with Wales both inside government and here in Westminster which retain their authority and responsibilities too. This is an issue in relation to Wales, and is an issue in relation to Scotland also; helping both government departments and indeed what you might call the political system in general to realise that Wales now enjoys two governments; that it enjoys two legislative bodies - this Parliament and the Assembly - just as Edinburgh enjoys both pleasures of that sort as well; and is and remains a major educational task.

Q168 Alun Michael: Would it be true to say that actually there is a problem in helping Whitehall and officials who have not had direct experience of understanding the way in which to relate to Parliament? You feel sometimes that some officials within Whitehall regard Parliament as something strange, and MPs as remote gods to be propitiated rather than people to engage with in a shared process?

Dr Gallagher: Yes, that might well be so. For most officials, most of the time, Parliament is something they hear about rather than interact with; and that is a problem. For many, many officials, the vast majority of civil servants involved in the delivery of public services, Parliament is something which sets the framework for their business but something at which they might well spend their entire career and only ever read about in the newspapers.

Q169 Alun Michael: So they miss out on the fun of a direct relationship with Parliament and with MPs?

Dr Gallagher: That opportunity is certainly denied them.

Q170 Chairman: For those of us who are enthusiastic supporters of democratic devolution, would you take away this thought in relation to the review of the Devolution Guidance Note No. 4, and it is this: now Wales has the experience of ten years of democratic development, surely it is very capable of actually administering a part of England, and that is not a facetious remark. It follows up on a point Mr Owen made about London-centric and so on. In the nature of the dynamic of devolution we are more than capable of actually running from Cardiff a part of England in relation to the Legal Services Commission. Is that beyond the bounds of possibility?

Dr Gallagher: I guess it is not beyond the bounds of possibility. It rather depends whom you mean by "we". I think you mean it in a very general sense, that is to say that it would be conceivable that the administration of legal services would be run from Cardiff but cover a wider geographical area than Wales.

Q171 Chairman: Could I end with a question in relation to the evidence given to us last week by Sir Jon Shortridge. Were you surprised by his observations about Whitehall?

Dr Gallagher: I know Jon of course and have worked with him, and he is a man who would not say in public what he has not already said in private, so in that sense I was not surprised at the tone of some of the things he had to say. I think there are some things he said with which I would agree. As I said a moment ago, helping everyone to understand that the Welsh Assembly is not a government department, it is not the Welsh Office as was, it is a different institution, remains a bit of a challenge. I think we are over the hump and most people do understand that, but occasionally one defaults into behaving as if it were. Some things he said, however, I do not agree with.

Q172 Chairman: Could you elaborate?

Dr Gallagher: At one point Jon said that he had always been of the view that the Wales Office would "wither on the vine". That does not seem to me to be self-evidently true at all, because just as the Welsh Assembly Government is not a government department, there nevertheless remain governmental functions that require to be discharged in relation to Wales. They are both political and administrative, and they will require to be done - functions that we started talking about at the beginning: management of the relationship; the development of the settlement; looking out for the interests of Wales. Those will all remain responsibilities that the UK Government in some form or other will have to discharge. Whether that is called a Wales Office is a different question, but the UK Government will continue to have to do things for and about Wales; and that responsibility will wither not at all.

Q173 Chairman: Could I thank you for your evidence this morning. It has raised a number of new questions, no doubt. We shall be writing to Sir Jon Shortridge as a consequence of your evidence and also his evidence last week to clarify some of the points he made. It is also our intention to call Sir Gus O'Donnell the Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Home Civil Service to give his observations on what you have to say and also pose some other questions to him as well. Thank you very much.

Dr Gallagher: I look forward to that.


Witness: Mr Andrew Davies AM, National Assembly for Wales, gave evidence.

Q174 Chairman: Welcome to the Welsh Affairs Committee and this inquiry into Wales and Whitehall. Could you for the record introduce yourself, please?

Mr Davies: Thank you, Chairman. Andrew Davies. I am the Assembly Member for Swansea West but I was a Minister in the Assembly Government for ten years; for two years from 1999 to 2002 I was the Business Manager (Trefynydd) for what is now the Leader of the House; from 2002-2007 I was Minister for Economic Development, and Transport latterly; and from 2007 to just before Christmas I was the Finance and Public Service Delivery Minister.

Q175 Chairman: We are very grateful to you for coming to give evidence, and we are particularly pleased given your experience. I suppose, next to the former First Minister, you are arguably the most experienced Minister of the Welsh Assembly Government in relation to Whitehall. When you had concerns, issues, problems, what was your first point of contact in relation to what was happening here in Whitehall and Westminster?

Mr Davies: I think we had a series of formal and informal networks. At a formal level, obviously the first point of call as a minister would be to the First Minister, and through that through the Secretary of State for Wales; or there would also be directly to the Whitehall government department and the relevant minister; and of course there were the special advisers as well, which I think play a very important role in government; as well as of course at official level an issue would normally get a briefing from officials about their understanding of a particular issue.

Q176 Chairman: Last week you will have heard the evidence of Sir Jon Shortridge in which he was critical of the lack of what appeared to be trust - I think he used that word, trust - that existed between London ministers and their counterparts in Wales, and that major UK announcements often took Wales by surprise. Do you agree with that statement?

Mr Davies: Maybe Sir Jon is a sort of half glass empty person; I do not know. Certainly my experience overall was very positive. When you consider that devolution was the biggest change in governance in the UK since - taking a benchmark - the introduction of universal suffrage or any other change, the scale of change was truly huge. The way in which it has been managed I think was testimony to the commitment of both the UK Government, Parliament and the Assembly and civil servants in making it work. Inevitably in all big organisations, big institutions, you are going to get tensions. I worked for the Ford Motor Company and there are tensions between Ford globally, Ford of Europe, Ford of Britain and, indeed, individual plants. You will always get these tensions; it is how you manage them I think which is the crucial thing. I come back to my point: given the scale of change, I think the whole process has been managed remarkably smoothly.

Q177 Chairman: Sir Jon had a role in managing that - surely a central role?

Mr Davies: Indeed. Obviously he can only answer for himself, but as a minister and as a politician, yes, there were going to be disagreements between Whitehall government departments and individual ministers; but on the whole I have to say my relationship with various government departments was very cordial.

Q178 Alun Michael: I just want to follow up because there is an emphasis on the question of whether there was trust between ministers, but actually I thought there was a big emphasis in what Sir Jon said about sometimes a lack of trust between officials in different departments. Could you comment on that aspect? That was a two-way process, obviously; and there needs to be confidence that is a mutual element?

Mr Davies: Again, it is very difficult for me to comment, but relationships varied from department to department. Of course, at a political level, on big issues, you have a much greater ministerial turnover in Westminster than you do in the Assembly. For example, as Finance Minister I dealt with three Chief Secretaries to the Treasury - Andy Burnham, Yvette Cooper and Liam Byrne. When I was in charge of energy I dealt with Malcolm Wicks, and I think he said himself publicly he was the seventh Energy Minister there had been; so there is that turnover. Of course, it is also similar for civil servants. I think this is one of the big issues that we need to deal with. The organisational memory within the Civil Service can often be lost by people moving on. That is one of the paradoxes I think of the Civil Service - that you have a permanent Civil Service but, nevertheless, its retention of organisational memory, its ability to learn and innovate I think is often not good. Certainly my experience was where relationships were ongoing; for example when Transport Wales first became an Act, and also the Railways Act 2005, the relationships on the whole were pretty good because they had been established over some time.

Q179 Chairman: I take it from the response to Mr Michael's question you are implicitly saying - and perhaps you could make it more explicit - that really the relationship is managed politically and it would be very strange if the lead role is not taken by politicians rather than by the permanent secretary; and in this context perhaps Sir Jon is actually exaggerating the role he plays and really he should acknowledge that it is the ministers that are actually managing the relationship politically?

Mr Davies: I do not want to appear critical, but obviously the Welsh Office, as was, was a relatively small body in terms of the number of civil servants. I think when the Assembly was established there were 2,500 civil servants in the Welsh Office, now in the Assembly Government; the latest figure is over 6,000. Of course it has gone through several phases. The old Welsh Office had very little policing-making capacity, and that was acknowledged, I think, at the time. I remember in my previous job, as head of a public affairs organised company, I did various seminars raising awareness about the Assembly and I said this very thing: that I thought devolution was going to be a bigger challenge for civil servants than for the politicians; and unbeknown to me at this seminar there was a civil servant whom I got to know very well later who was actually in the audience; he came up to me and said, "You're absolutely right - it's going to be a huge challenge for us; and of course the other thing is we're going to have to realise there is a Wales outside Cardiff". I think those challenges still exist. It is about the management of relationships. Very little policymaking went on in the old Welsh Office. Clearly, the big challenge for the Assembly in its first term and a bit was making policy; so it is almost inevitable I think, as the institution grew, new people came in who had not been civil servants and the emphasis was making policy in Wales; maybe those links with Whitehall were attenuated. I think there is another aspect. I remember Sir Jon saying to me very early on in the Assembly's life that he found it extremely difficult getting civil servants to go on secondment to Whitehall, or indeed Brussels. From that I said, "How can we turn that to our advantage?" and that is what became the development of the Welsh public service, but that is another issue. Maybe it is something about culture that the civil servants in Wales are maybe reluctant to go on secondment. I do not know what the latest figures are, but I think it is still a very small number of civil servants on secondment. When I met my colleague in Scotland, Tom McCabe, the First Minister for Parliament, his Private Secretary had spent several years in Whitehall and had an extensive network of contacts; my Private Secretary at the time had spent all her career in the old Welsh Office and did not have those extensive links. I think maybe we have missed a trick as a government in terms of being more proactive in encouraging those links at official level.

Q180 Chairman: Perhaps I should declare an interest because, as you know, I was Special Adviser to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy, in that first crucial year. It was a very young institution but, if you cast your mind back, I think that both politicians and civil servants at both ends of the M4 did remarkably well in working very effectively in that period?

Mr Davies: Absolutely. Soren Kierkegaard the Danish philosopher said, "Life can only be lived forwards, but only can be understood backwards". Of course, the first two or three years of the Assembly's life it was a matter of survival. Certainly as a minister, ministers were ducking and diving because it was a very new institution. It was trying to develop its legitimacy and authority. I think that was the major thing. It is only ten years into the Assembly's life and I think we can look back on having established that legitimacy and authority, and also a record in terms of service delivery and policymaking.

Q181 Chairman: On your watch you have been a minister with a portfolio which did not always overlap; the portfolios were not exactly the same. Did that pose a difficulty for ministers in the Welsh Assembly Government?

Mr Davies: Overlapping with Whitehall Government?

Q182 Chairman: Yes, with Westminster.

Mr Davies: No. What struck me, my very first contact with Whitehall and Westminster, was just the sheer size of government at Whitehall. I was on a ministerial committee chaired by Patricia Hewitt when she was a junior minister in DTI looking at e.Government, and the size of government alone in Whitehall just was staggering. It was always inevitable that government here at this end would be preoccupied with its own matters. When you have the Home Office itself dealing with prisons, probation and police, just that one department itself was finding it very difficult to talk to each, let alone to other departments, let alone to devolved administrations. Certainly that struck me as one of the big things that has always stayed with me. I think it is almost inevitable that Whitehall is going to struggle with devolution because it is so preoccupied, like most of us, with our day-to-day work.

Q183 Mr Jones: With the benefit of hindsight, what do you think could have been done differently to establish the relationship between the Assembly Government and the Assembly and Whitehall?

Mr Davies: I think with hindsight certainly at official level to take a very much more strategic view. The Civil Service I think generally both at Whitehall and in Wales is not very good at long-term planning; is not strategic in its thinking. It tends to be short-term, and that is both in policymaking and in terms of financial planning. In developing a longer term strategy at an official and political level in terms of relationships, say, between Wales and Whitehall and Westminster and Wales and other devolved administrations, we should have paused and reflected but I think at the time, as I said, the major preoccupation was establishing the legitimacy of the institution.

Q184 Mr Jones: We have the benefit in this country of course of a unified Civil Service and you have touched on it in one of your previous answers, but do you think that it would be beneficial to encourage civil servants from both ends of the M4 to be located at the other end, at least for a period? Do you think that a period of location in other parts of the Civil Service would be beneficial for the Civil Service in Wales?

Mr Davies: Undoubtedly. Although civil servants from the Welsh Assembly Government who have gone on secondment either to Whitehall or to Brussels, the European Parliament or the European Commission have benefited from the experience, to the best of my knowledge, there have been very few secondments into the Welsh Assembly Government, either from Brussels or other parts of Europe or indeed Whitehall.

Q185 Mr Jones: Perhaps that might be beneficial too?

Mr Davies: Yes, absolutely.

Q186 Mr Jones: Could we turn to the Memorandum of Understanding which of course is what governs - "governs" is possibly not the word - but is meant to regulate relations between Whitehall and the devolved administrations. It is a very fluid document. It is expressed to be binding in honour only, which if I remember rightly was the expression that the Football Pools companies used to use about their relations with their customers. Is it a concern to you that those relations are non-binding and non-statutory?

Mr Davies: There was some discussion about the MoUs initially in the Assembly's life but after the first year or two I do not recall them being mentioned very often. I think, as I said, it was more about on-going relationships at political and official level rather than being bound by a particular agreement.

Q187 Mr Jones: Might this become more of a difficulty if for example we have a government of a different political hue in London from the one in Cardiff?

Mr Davies: It might possibly be but I think now we have had ten years of devolution and I think that the devolved administrations, the institutions and legislatures, are mature and have authority and legitimacy, as Dr Gallagher said.

Q188 Mr Jones: Is it your feeling that the Memorandum of Understanding is sufficiently robust or at least sufficiently acceptable to survive the changes of government at either end of the M4?

Mr Davies: I am sure it will be one element of the way in which the relationship is managed. But it may well be that that will have to be looked at or negotiated if the outcome of the general election is as you say.

Q189 Mr Jones: What could be done, in your opinion, to introduce more transparency to relations between the British Government and the devolved administration, or do you think that transparency is necessarily a good thing?

Mr Davies: I think, in general, greater accountability and transparency leads to better decisions. If I could just touch on the Holtham Commission report of course one of the recommendations that Gerry Holtham and his Commission makes is that a Treasury Minister should appear before the Finance Committee of the Assembly to have that element of greater scrutiny and that in terms of greater transparency the administration of the Barnett Formula should be carried out by an arm's length body. Gerry Holtham and his colleagues suggest the Office of National Statistics. In that area of policy I think greater transparency would be very considerable. Dr Gallagher just mentioned the fact that Whitehall has tended to see the devolved administrations as government departments, and I think that it is absolutely right. I always felt that as finance minister when discussing with the Treasury, certainly the feedback I had from officials was that we were just treated as a Whitehall government department rather than a separate Government with its own legitimacy and its own mandate

Q190 Mr Jones: Again we are coming back to the cultural point.

Mr Davies: Absolutely.

Q191 Mr Jones: We need to develop the culture which, frankly, does not appear to have got there yet?

Mr Davies: No, but no doubt in Wales many local authorities would make the same criticisms of the Assembly Government that we and other devolved administrations make of the UK Government, which is that it is too inwardly focused and it is too focused on its own business rather than developing and managing those external relationships.

Q192 Mr Jones: Presumably parish councils would make the same criticisms of the local authorities.

Mr Davies: Sure; it comes back to my point about the Ford Motor Company. It is in human nature that you will get these tensions. For me it is how you manage those relationships.

Q193 Mr Jones: Do you think that there would be any benefit to reviewing the Memorandum of Understanding, which has not been reviewed since 1999?

Mr Davies: Yes, obviously, I am sure that will be so. I am not a member of Government now, I am not a Minister, but I am sure that is being considered. Coming back to the Holtham Commission report, devolved administrations do not sign the statement of funding policy which governs the administration of the Barnett Formula and funding relationships with the devolved administrations. It is signed by the Secretary of State, in our case, for Wales and the Treasury Minister. So again that is a form of Memorandum of Understanding and clearly the Holtham Commission are arguing that that should be put on a new footing.

Q194 Alun Michael: I was just reflecting on your comparison with Ford and the relationship between Ford Bridgend, Ford UK, Ford Europe and Ford in Detroit, not least because I had some relationship with all of those during my period as Secretary of State and First Minister, as you will recall. If they were subject to the same public scrutiny and press and media coverage, do you think it would be a particularly interesting story? Would it be as interesting or more interesting than the examination in the media of the relationship between Wales and Whitehall for example?

Mr Davies: I am sure it would be a very interesting story. Whether it would be more interesting than the history of devolution I suspect it will not be, but I think there are certain lessons to be learned. I think there is a danger that we tend to think that the tensions between Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and the UK Government are unique; they are not.

Q195 Mark Williams: You touched on your experiences of the Treasury and their cultural awareness. Did you find that there were some departments - you have dealt with a range of departments over ten years - that were better at dealing with the implications of devolution than others and could you say a bit more about that? If that is the case, what do you put that down to?

Mr Davies: I think the evidence that was given by several of the papers in the written evidence was saying that where (and that was certainly my experience as a Minister and a member of the Cabinet) policies were devolved, education and health particularly, that the relationships between officials and ministers tended to be on a sounder footing than where the policies were either non-devolved or there was a grey area. Certainly my own experience in taking the implications of the Railways Act, whereby the Wales and the Border Rail Franchise was effectively devolved to us, and the Transport (Wales) Act, which gave us powers that we clearly needed, I thought that worked very well, although DfT officials were not as sympathetic as Ministers. On one occasion DfT officials were telling my officials that on the Railways Act they were unwilling to concede or grant extra powers and they quoted ministers. On that basis I phoned up the relevant minister, who happened to be the MP for Pontypridd, and said, "Have you got a problem with this?" and he say, "No, I have not got a problem" so I told my officials that ministers did not have a problem, and my officials told DfT that ministers did not have a problem, so it was sorted. On the whole, relationships were okay on policy. On some cross-border issues, for example on rail, particularly the First Great Western Franchise, the relationship was less constructive.

Q196 Mark Williams: Do you relate in any way to what Sir John Shortridge told the Committee about how there was a diminished relationship over the ten years? He talked about a burst of activity in the early stages and then the level of understanding diminished. It may be, as you said, that was about staff moving on. Can you relate to that?

Mr Davies: Yes, but there is a danger that somehow Whitehall is blamed for that. As I said in my evidence, I think a lot of the responsibility for those links being weakened was because in the first five or six years of the Assembly's life inevitably the preoccupation was policy-making in Wales and therefore maybe those relationships were not as strong. Again maybe that is a question you could ask, if you are asking Sir John back, about how those relationships were planned over that period and how did senior civil servants actually think about that and plan for that eventuality.

Q197 Mark Williams: I suppose that partially answers my next question. You have talked about the need for the culture change, and those were Rhodri Morgan's words as well, both at ministerial and Civil Service level in order to improve awareness of relationships between the two. You talked about the reluctance of civil servants in Cardiff to undertake secondments to London. What else could we do to make that closer relationship and closer understanding a reality?

Mr Davies: Both Sir John and his successor Dame Gillian Morgan, as Permanent Secretaries, meet with their opposite numbers in the devolved administrations and also in Whitehall government departments on a weekly basis as well as having away-days at Sunningdale on a very regular basis, so clearly at that level there is a very strong connection as well as at the lower official level in terms of on-going links. I think the Wales Office submission itemises the links that are going on at a very extensive level. I am not aware that at any time the senior Civil Service sit back and think about those long-term relationships over a longer period. Again maybe that will be a question for Sir John or Dame Gillian Morgan, but I was not aware as a Minister that that sort of strategic thought or action was ever taken. I remember a consultant doing some work in the Assembly Government coming to see us as Ministers, without officials there, and saying to us, "Don't forget senior officials spend most of their time managing you and not their departments." I think that is the problem to a large extent. The preoccupation of politicians and civil servants is largely policy-making and they think that policy-making and legislation is the hardest part. Actually it is not. It is leading, managing and delivering services. I think it is interesting, as somebody said to me once, the passing of legislation is the "end of the beginning"; the hard work starts thereafter. Because of the narrow preoccupation on policy the wider management of relationships is not seen as a priority. The departmental Capability Reviews undertaken of Whitehall government departments have shown very clearly that there is a deficiency in the Civil Service, not just in Wales but in Whitehall. We were not part of the Capability Review process formally but we had a similar stock-take. There is an obsession on process and compliance with process, not on leadership and management. You asked the question to Dr Gallagher about how that department judged its effectiveness. Very few government departments, as far as I am aware, objectively measure their performance. Performance management has been identified by the departmental Capability Reviews as a real deficiency. I think that is one of the big problems. I think the dog that does not bark in terms of government and service delivery is the performance, or the lack of management performance, across the board. That is going to be increasingly challenging as the financial constraints which we are forecasting over the next five to ten years really begin to bite.

Q198 Chairman: Could you elaborate on what you mean by the "dog that does not bark"?

Mr Davies: I think Civil Service reform was identified by the then Head of the Civil Service back in 1997 as a major challenge and changing the culture of the Civil Service to one which was based on delivering on strategic outcomes whereby senior civil servants were measured or assessed on their leadership and management of their department. My experience of the Civil Service is that people tend to get promoted on their intellectual ability not on their leadership and management capability. I think the departmental Capability Reviews have identified that. It is fascinating reading to see those reviews. I think that comes through very clearly. Also the departmental Capability Reviews identified an obsession with compliance and process and not outcomes. Certainly my experience as a Minister is that there is a lot more preoccupation with monitoring expenditure than actually measuring outcomes for that expenditure.

Q199 Chairman: That is a critique really of the Civil Service that you are familiar with and of the Welsh Assembly Government?

Mr Davies: Clearly the departmental Capability Reviews of the Whitehall government departments identified that as a major weakness as well. The other major weakness of Whitehall government departments is an unwillingness or an inability to work across departmental and organisational boundaries. Clearly that is true of Whitehall and I think it is a big challenge for the Assembly Government and it is a big challenge for local government as well.

Q200 Chairman: It is a general problem rather than specific to Whitehall?

Mr Davies: And clearly with what are going to be very significant financial constraints in public expenditure over the next five to ten years these issues are going to be increasingly important.

Q201 Albert Owen: If I could turn to the Wales Office, you mentioned earlier on in your immediate response to Mr Williams measuring the value of government departments. In measuring the value of the Wales Office do you see it as playing a continuing and important role in the devolution settlement or do you see it as a hindrance or a barrier to direct relationships with departments?

Mr Davies: On the whole I found it very beneficial, most recently on the Constitutional Reform and Governance Bill, which gave the National Assembly powers in terms of scrutiny of the Auditor General and the Wales Audit Office. When I was aware that the UK Government were legislating for powers over the National Audit Office I thought it would be anomalous if we did not have similar powers in Wales over the WAO. Our initial discussions at official level said that that was not going to be possible. However, we made the case to the Secretary of State for Wales and the Parliamentary Under-Secretary and through their offices and at official level I am delighted to say that the Treasury agreed to give us powers through the Constitutional Reform and Governance Bill. Indeed, I came to give evidence to brief members of both Houses only a month or so ago. I think that was, from my experience, the most recent evidence of the usefulness of the Wales Office. I am not sure whether we would have got that concession without the Wales Office.

Q202 Albert Owen: So you would say those important bilateral meetings between individual government ministers in Cardiff Bay and Wales Office ministers, the Secretary of State and the Parliamentary Under-Secretary, are very valuable links for Welsh legislation as it goes through both Houses here?

Mr Davies: Absolutely. In my own view it is a very crucial role given our current powers and the legislative settlement.

Q203 Albert Owen: So from your answers, Sir John is wrong to think that the Wales Office is going to wither on the vine?

Mr Davies: Certainly my perspective is different from his. Maybe it is because, as the Chairman said, the relationship was at a political level. I certainly found it very, very beneficial.

Q204 Albert Owen: Again you touched on your experience as a Minister with regards to the Railways Act and the Transport Act in which you were involved. What role did the Wales Office play in, first of all, helping you to establish that, and how early on is the Wales Office involved in bidding in the legislative programme for Welsh interests?

Mr Davies: If I remember correctly, reading the former First Minister's evidence, he was saying there would be an internal bidding round in the Assembly Government. Then through the Wales Office and the Secretary of State that would be part of the bidding process. My understanding is that that role is still extant and still very important.

Q205 Albert Owen: So if that Wales Office role was not there, you would say that Wales' interests would be at a complete disadvantage?

Mr Davies: Clearly we would have to think through very clearly and carefully about the relationship with the UK Government and how that was to be managed both at political and official level. I am not saying if it did not exist you would have to reinvent it, but we would clearly need some assurance that for Wales' interests, whether it is in terms of legislation or funding, there was a conduit for those discussions and negotiations.

Albert Owen: Thank you.

Q206 Mr Jones: Could I return to a point that I put to Dr Gallagher and that was in relation to the development of Welsh legislation in the form of Assembly Measures. Presumably the Welsh Assembly Government would wish to liaise with the British Government on this particular issue. Is that another role, I wonder, for the Wales Office to keep Whitehall and Westminster apprised of what is happening in Cardiff in terms of Welsh legislation?

Mr Davies: Certainly my experience is that overall the role of the Wales Office was very important. The written evidence that they have submitted clearly identified the various ways in which both the ministers and officials within the Wales Office sought to raise awareness of issues related to Wales, particularly legislation. I think the role is a very important role.

Q207 Alun Michael: You made some interesting comments about the way that relationships have developed over time and you also referred to the very slim nature of officials (not personally but the numbers of officials!) at a policy level as the old Welsh Office disappeared and the Assembly came into being. How do you think the Civil Service in Wales has changed over the period to which you refer?

Mr Davies: It has grown. It has gone from 2,500 to over 6,000 people. That is partly of course as a result of the merger or abolition of several of the large quangos such as the WDA but not exclusively; that is only part of the explanation. Clearly we did need a lot more lawyers and officials involved in policy-making, so that has also been a major reason for the growth. The other point is that not only has it grown but I think you have people coming in who maybe would not have the understanding of government that the old Welsh Office civil servants would have, whereby it was very clearly that they were working to the Secretary of State and the junior ministers. Now you have many officials who see themselves working for the people of Wales. At a rhetorical level I can understand that, but clearly they are reporting and working for government. I think the culture has changed as well as the Assembly itself. The Civil Service has grown.

Q208 Alun Michael: I want to put three aspects of the work of officials. One is the one that you referred to yourself and that is of policy development. Do you think that the Assembly, both the Government and the Assembly as an institution of scrutiny if you like, now has the relevant resources and competence in terms of policy development and scrutiny?

Mr Davies: Yes, I do. For me that is a different issue from whether they are well-used. Some of the challenges in policy-making are the same that Whitehall has identified in terms of the departmental Capability Reviews, that policy does tend to be an in-house job and maybe we need as an institution to look more clearly at how we engage more proactively with civil society in Wales in terms of making legislation. That is not to say that the Assembly as a small institution is not more accessible, we consult extensively, but that consultation is not necessarily the answer in terms of effective policy-making. I think there are questions to be asked about the effectiveness of that.

Q209 Alun Michael: The second is a different set of relationships. I remember coming out of the first Committee of the Assembly to which I had given evidence and walking out with an old colleague from my days in journalism, and he made the comment that in the first few weeks he had been struck that officials who had come into the Assembly from the old Welsh Office had less experience of having to have a relationship with the general public and a relationship with the politicians than you would expect in relatively junior members of staff in even the smallest district council. Do you think that those relationships are now strong and healthy?

Mr Davies: Certainly at the Civil Service level my understanding is that in many departments in the old Welsh Office it would only be grade fives and above who would brief the Secretary of State and the ministers. Clearly as a Minister I would have the relevant policy official, and he or she may be an SEO or grade seven or even an HEO, depending on who led on that, so I think that culture has changed. It may well be true for the old Welsh Office, and comparisons with outward-facing, but of course it was a newer institution and politically it was a very different time as well, from 1979 to 1997 as opposed to post-1999 which was very different. For me the jury is still out in terms of the wider engagement of civil servants with wider civil society in Wales. I do feel that civil servants need to get out more and engage more fully, whether it is with local government, the voluntary sector or others. I believe there does tend to be a bit of a bunker mentality at Cathays Park.

Q210 Alun Michael: The third aspect is that of legislation with which of course we have engaged in the development of the LCO system. I think we have seen an improvement in the standard of drafting as some experience has come in. However, it is quite a challenging process. Unless they have been involved in it, people very often do not understand the complexity of moving from policy to legal requirements to actual drafting that does what is intended. Do you feel that that capacity - and it is not capacity just in terms of numbers but in terms of drafting ability - is now fully appreciated and developed within the machinery at Cardiff Bay?

Mr Davies: It is difficult for me to comment directly about the LCO process as I never was responsible for sponsoring a particular piece of legislation.

Q211 Alun Michael: I was thinking actually that it then goes on in terms of that capacity being needed for the drafting and the processes in relation to Measures as well?

Mr Davies: Sure. But I was a member of the Cabinet Committee on Legislation and I realise there was a very steep learning curve for everybody. As former Finance Minister I was most concerned at the stage to make sure that there was financial provision for any legislation that was being brought forward, so whether it was on that or the drafting, I thought it was a very steep learning curve for officials right across government, but it was a new process. Just as it was a new process for Whitehall, it was a new process for the Assembly Government as well.

Q212 Alun Michael: Can I ask on one aspect. There is a tendency now I think to draft de novo when the framework powers are given within legislation and the responsibilities lie with the Assembly. One in particular that I noticed was the secondary legislation under the Clean Neighbourhoods Act where Wales lagged more than a year behind the SIs coming in for England, which is a bit ironic because actually the legislation had been designed on the basis of experience in South Wales rather than in parts of England. Do you think there are ways in which we can make the most of the capacity that is available in the new situation and not always starting from scratch?

Mr Davies: Absolutely. I always take a very pragmatic view. It is about outcomes and it is outcomes for the people who elect me and my colleagues, whichever is going to be the most effective route for doing that. Just because we have the powers in this case does not necessarily mean we have to do it. I am all for flexibility. Just because we have the power, it does not mean to say we have to have a completely "made in Wales" solution if in terms of outcomes we can piggy-back on what is being done elsewhere. Again it comes back to my point about the Civil Service is not always very good at retaining learning or indeed learning from other institutions.

Q213 Chairman: Were you surprised when Sir Emyr Jones Parry's All Wales Convention report did not recommend an increase in the numbers of Assembly Members if primary legislative powers were transferred to the Assembly?

Mr Davies: Again, he may have taken a very practical and pragmatic view that calling for more politicians would not be either a popular or easy-to-defend position. I do not know. I have not spoken to Sir Emyr about why they did not.

Q214 Mr Jones: Could we turn now please to the issue of funding. In your experience, how amicable or otherwise were the negotiations with the Treasury over the allocation of the Welsh block grant?

Mr Davies: Always extremely amicable. That did not mean we always got what we wanted! As I said, the relationships I had with the Chief Secretary of the Treasury were always extremely amicable both at an official and informal level. I have no reason for doubting that my predecessors had the same relationship with their colleagues as well.

Q215 Mr Jones: You have mentioned the Holtham Commission. What was the background to the establishment of the Holtham Commission?

Mr Davies: There have been concerns about the operation of the Barnett Formula for many years but the direct commissioning of Gerry Holtham and his Commission were a result of the One Wales agreement. It was one of the commitments within the partnership agreement between my party and Plaid Cymru in terms of establishing a coalition government that we would set up an independent review, in this case chaired by Gerry Holtham, to look at Barnett.

Q216 Mr Jones: There have been a number of reviews of the Barnett Formula. There has been the Scottish one, the House of Lords one and the Holtham Commission. Why do we need so many reviews, in your opinion, or do we? Is this an example perhaps of government not being joined up?

Mr Davies: Of course the Calman Commission was a creature of the Scottish Parliament not the Scottish Government. The House of Lords Committee, chaired by Ivor Richard, obviously was a House of Lords Committee, but then of course the Justice Select Committee also looked at the operation of devolution and in so doing looked at the operation of Barnett. Clearly it just reflects different interests in different jurisdictions, but what the outcome has been is that all four of those reviews have said everything from Barnett is wanting through to Barnett is bust, so I think there is a broad consensus that the Barnett Formula and its operation has to be looked at.

Mr Jones: Thank you.

Q217 Albert Owen: Just to follow on from that. It is the case that these four reviews that you talked about came to similar conclusions, but has been there been an attempt to pull together all these findings for ministers and governments to have a dialogue on or have they been left in isolation?

Mr Davies: No, certainly my discussions with Treasury Ministers and the then first Minister and his discussions with both the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Prime Minister and discussions with the Wales Office have all been about the fact that Calman, Holtham, the House of Lords and indeed the Justice Select Committee have all said broadly the same thing, about the need for reviewing Barnett and the fact that it no longer reflects in the way it operates the devolution settlement let alone the viability of the actual Formula itself.

Q218 Albert Owen: The Welsh Assembly Government was very critical of the Treasury being judge and jury in its reviews of the Barnett Formula. Do you agree with that? Secondly, if an independent advisory body were set up, how would it work, which is a recommendation, as you are well aware?

Mr Davies: It comes back to the point about transparency. The greater the transparency I think in general the better the outcome in terms of accountability of decision-making. Clearly Barnett was set up as a temporary measure by Joel Barnett when he was Chief Secretary of the Treasury back in 1977 or 1976. It was pre-devolution and clearly it was designed as a temporary measure with the expectation that you would have devolution post-1979 and that would therefore be renegotiated. Clearly it has worked for the last 30 years but certainly in the Welsh context increasingly we would say, particularly the way in which it is administered, the fact that we are not signatories to the statement of funding policy and the fact that decisions are made by Treasury with which we have to live without any recourse to any appeals mechanism, other than to the JMC, that it needs to be put on to a different footing. That is indeed what the Holtham Commission recommended, and rather than invent a new independent body they suggest for example the ONS be the institutional body that administers and calculates the Barnett Formula, so it is taken out of the political process if you like.

Q219 Albert Owen: Just to finish on that. Would you not think it could get messy, though, because if the Treasury is not in charge down here there are going to be regional elements within England that will say, "Hang on a minute, I want to appeal against that decision about what one of the nations is getting." That is the difficulty. It is all right saying we want an independent advisory body. The issue has still got to be dealt with. How will those sorts of things happen? Do you not think it could get even more messy than having the Treasury making a decision after negotiations with each of those constituent nations?

Mr Davies: In my view, no, it would be put on to a much more independent footing and therefore there would still be the same amount of money available but its allocation would be done on a basis which would be more open and transparent than maybe currently people see that it is, and that that may take away a lot of the need for a conflict resolution procedure. At the moment the only way we can appeal is against the JMC, but of course in appealing to the JMC you have almost conceded that you have lost.

Q220 Albert Owen: Do you not accept the point that there are some regions within England that are not happy with it and have not had their reviews, and that an independent advisory body would be their opportunity to raise those issues, and that is when it would get more complex?

Mr Davies: Certainly the advice of the Holtham Commission and Professor Bernd Spahn, who was a member of the three-man Commission, who is an expert on the funding of regional and provincial government, was that in most of those there is some form of arbitration or conflict resolution mechanism, which there is not in the way in which Barnett is currently administered.

Q221 Alun Michael: I just wanted to express a concern and see what you think about it. I have seen the way that formulae have worked which are intended to bring greater objectivity into the way that money goes for instance to local government but also to the police and also to the Health Service. The problem very often from statistics is they do not always go quite as predicted and you can end up with year-on-year variations. Would you agree with me that you need some sort of system, if there is to be a use of statistics in that way, that makes sure that it is evened out so that, if you like, there is a predictability of finances over the years going forward? Sometimes, as I found in dealing with local government finance, if you have a fairly small change year-on-year it can be very bad for planning whereas if you know what the figure is, it is possible to manage even difficult situations?

Mr Davies: Of course I think that is the benefit of the Haltom Commission, that for the first time we have had a fairly objective assessment of Wales' funding. Of course, what Gerry and his team have done, which I think is very good, is they have taken the Treasury's own formula for allocation of funding to the English regions on health and education and applied that on a Welsh basis. In terms of the bigger picture, clearly in Wales we have different issues about the Barnett Formula than the Scots, and Gerry recognises that, and he says obviously trying to get agreement across the four administrations will be inherently difficult and that is why as a temporary measure to prevent what is called a "Barnett squeeze", which is the funding that Wales gets paid converging towards the English average, he suggests that a floor be put in to prevent any further convergence. That is clearly something that we were discussing at the time with the Treasury and I know my successor is negotiating now with Liam Byrne.

Q222 Alun Michael: It is a two-way working. Floors in relation to the police grant for instance have not quite worked as intended and it is the unintended consequences rather than the predictability, so the answer to it, it seems to me, is, yes, to go to the statistics but then to put in place something which is predictable for a period ahead and only changed with warning for a subsequent period, much greater than the three-year periods that we currently work with.

Mr Davies: I fully understand your concerns having dealt with the local government settlement in Wales. You could end up with Murphy's Law of Unintended Consequences by tweaking the formula. What Gerry and his team's point is is that by having a very small number of objective criteria by which you can identify relative need across the UK, by using those, which are standard, long-standing statistical criteria, you can actually devise a robust system, but the wider issue is about getting political agreement to that.

Q223 Alun Michael: Robust and predictable are both important?

Mr Davies: Absolutely.

Chairman: Thank you for your evidence today. It has been extremely helpful to us and will certainly inform how the inquiry develops over the next few weeks: