Conclusions and recommendations
1. We
commend the Secretary of State for Defence for volunteering to
expose the Ministry of Defence to parliamentary scrutiny on this
matter. (Paragraph 2)
2. To be asked to
conduct an inquiry in secret, and to report on matters which we
cannot make public, is highly unusual. (Paragraph 5)
3. We found the MoD's
initial response to our inquiry inadequate, and sensed that the
Department had not anticipated that we would pursue an inquiry
in depth. But, following our strong response, the MoD responded
positively to our inquiry and has been helpful both in providing
full answers to our questions in writing and in offering high-level
briefing. We believe our inquiry has sharpened the MoD's response
to the Iran hostage incident. (Paragraph 9)
4. The decision not
to publish the Fulton report has led some people to conclude that
the whole thing was a whitewash. We can assure the House that
this is not the case. The Fulton report was robust in identifying
serious weaknesses, and recommended a range of remedial actions.
The Government immediately drew up an action plan for implementing
these recommendations, and has made good progress towards discharging
the actions. (Paragraph 13)
5. The perception
that everyone has been let off scot-free for the Iran hostage
incident is ill-founded. Whilst it was decided that there were
insufficient grounds for courts martial, formal administration
action has been taken against a number of Service personnel across
a wide spectrum of ranks. (Paragraph 15)
6. We were told that
no action had been taken against individuals, military or civilian,
for failings relating to media handling. Given the catalogue of
serious mistakes made, we think this is unacceptable. (Paragraph
16)
7. While security
constraints prevent us from making public the exact nature of
the weaknesses identified, it is public knowledge that there were
weaknesses in intelligence, in communications, in doctrine and
in training. There was a lapse in operational focus in the front
line, and a widespread failure of situational awareness. (Paragraph
17)
8. We are satisfied
that, provided all of the many recommendations are implemented,
the MoD will have significantly reduced the likelihood of a recurrence
and addressed the weaknesses identified by Fulton. (Paragraph
18)
9. We accept that
a lack of resources was not the direct cause of the events of
23 March. (Paragraph 19)
10. We are concerned
to ensure that the MoD's current budgetary uncertainty does not
impede the implementation of the action plan. (Paragraph 20)
11. It is clear that
the decision to allow the Service personnel to sell their stories
was a serious mistake and deeply damaging to the reputation of
the Royal Navy. The Secretary of State for Defence has accepted
responsibility and apologised. This should not absolve others
from blame. (Paragraph 22)
12. While we continue
to have concerns about the MoD's media operations, we note the
progress made in implementing the Hall recommendations and particularly
welcome the decision to increase military involvement in media
handling. (Paragraph 23)
13. The Fulton report,
and the evidence provided to us in support of it, contain a depth
of operational detail which it would be damaging to make public.
This makes it difficult for us to demonstrate openly the grounds
on which we have reached our conclusions. However, we assure the
House of Commons, and the public, that we have scrutinised the
report thoroughly, and have obtained extensive additional evidence
from the MoD. We have written to the Secretary of State for Defence
with a number of classified conclusions and recommendations. While
the hostage-taking exposed worrying weaknesses, action has been
taken to address them. The incident was a national embarrassment,
deeply damaging to the reputation of the Royal Navy. It has, however,
provided the spur to remedy major weaknesses. (Paragraph 24)
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