Memorandum 28
Submission from David Randall, Final Year
Medical Student
INQUIRY INTO SCIENTIFIC DEVELOPMENTS RELATING
TO THE ABORTION ACT 1967
ANSWERING POINT
1(B)
"whether a scientific or medical definition
of serious abnormality is required or desirable in respect of
abortion allowed beyond 24 weeks"
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1. The lack of a definition of "serious
abnormality" has led in recent years to the termination of
several pregnancies because of quite trivial abnormalities. This
was not the intention of those responsible for the Abortion Act,
but the medical profession has failed to enforce its own guidelines
on the assessment of handicap. It falls to parliament to provide
concrete definitions.
2. The past forty years have seen considerable
developments in neonatal and paediatric care for disabled children
that means commonly occurring foetal abnormalities now cause less
serious disability. The life expectancy and the quality of life
of disabled people have risen considerably since 1967, which must
be recognised as the law is reviewed. Also, as prenatal genetic
diagnosis will increasingly warn parents that their child is predisposed
to developing certain common medical conditions, it is vital parliament
decides which set of genes may truly be said to constitute a significant
risk of serious handicap.
3. Currently it falls on two doctors alone
to assess a foetus's future level of disability, leading to an
unacceptable risk of subjective decision making. These decisions
should be made by parliament, where all concerned can assess the
true implications of the birth of a disabled child on the child
itself, the child's family and society as a whole. Openness and
justice in making such decisions is essential, particularly given
the effect the selective termination of disabled foetuses has
on how disabled members of society are viewed.
Recommendation
For section 1(1)d of the Abortion Act to remain
in place it is therefore essential that a full evidence-based
review is carried out by parliament to work towards a robust definition
of the level of disability deemed to render a foetus worthy of
termination. However the committee should also give serious consideration
to completely removing section 1(1)d from the Act, and according
disabled foetuses the same legal protection as those that are
able-bodied.
1. THE FAILURE
OF CURRENT
GUIDANCE TO
DOCTORS ON
"SERIOUS ABNORMALITY"
Current guidance
1.1 The Abortion Act does not define the
term "serious abnormality", and the interpretation of
the phrase has never come before the courts. Both the BMA[153]
and the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists[154]
(RCOG) have issued guidance on factors that should influence individual
decisions, such as the possibility of effective treatment, whether
in utero or after birth; or the probability of the foetus growing
into an independent and self-supporting adult. Beyond these guidelines
it is left to the discretion of individual doctors involved in
the case to determine the severity of abnormalities.
The original intent of section 1(1)d
1.2 In leading the 1990 review of the Abortion
Act, Baroness Warnock (chair of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology
Authority), said that section 1(1)d should refer to "a child
who is very severely damaged and cannot lead a meaningful life".[155]
During the consultation on the Act, two concerned lawyers sent
out an open letter to all MPs arguing that a healthy foetus at
greater than 24 weeks gestation could be legally aborted for having
a "hare lip or a cleft palate". MPs expressed their
horror at such an abuse; David Steele described the letter as
a "gross calumny on the medical profession", and Harriet
Harman said the authors should be reported to the Bar Council.[156]
Challenges brought against abortions under section
1(1)d
1.3 Yet in 2001 a foetus was aborted for
bilateral cleft lip and palate at 28 weeks gestation at a hospital
in Hertfordshire, a decision that Joanna Jepson, a trainee curate,
asked the police to investigate.[157]
Jim England of the Crown Prosecution Service declined to prosecute
the two doctors involved because he was satisfied that they had
decided in good faith that the child, if born, would be seriously
handicapped.[158]
1.4 Such a termination does not represent the
intended use of ground E of the Abortion Act. It also contravenes
the guidelines set out by the RCOG and BMA. Such a condition is
completely treatable, does not affect self-awareness or the ability
to form relationships, does not prevent living independently of
others, causes very little suffering for either the child or its
parents, and such children would clearly receive aggressive neonatal
resuscitation if required. However in response to the incident,
the vice-president of the RCOG, Miss Heather Mellows, seemingly
in contravention of the college's own guidelines, defended the
doctors in question and reaffirmed that such decisions were for
the "practitioner to make in consultation with the parents
and other interested parties".[159]
Other conditions not meeting RCOG guidance
1.5 In the decade from 1996 to 2006 there
have been 20 abortions for clubbed feet, all taking place at after
20 weeks gestation.[160]
This condition can always be successfully cured, in the majority
of cases merely by physiotherapy; the winner of the 1992 Olympic
gold medal for women's figure skating was born with two clubbed
feet.[161]
Other minor abnormalities that also resulted in termination in
this period include webbed fingers and extra digits.[162]
1.6 Klinefelter syndrome is a chromosomal
abnormality where sufferers have an extra X chromosome. 58% of
parents choose to terminate affected pregnancies if diagnosed
prenatally.[163]
The condition results in subfertility along with various other
mild phenotypic traits (such as tall stature, long arms and sparse
body hair), but a normal life expectancy.[164]
Many Klinefelter syndrome males are sufficiently asymptomatic
as to be unaware of their status until undergoing testing for
infertility.[165]
The need for more concrete guidance
1.7 Medicine as a profession is granted
considerable autonomy from government control in exchange for
self-regulation. Thus, it is the GMC and the Royal Colleges that
set and enforce standards for good clinical care. This autonomy
is threatened by incidents where self-regulation is seen to fail,
and in such cases the profession finds itself under pressure to
accept direct governmental regulation.
1.8 The incident above and the response
by the RCOG shows that the guidance offered to doctors over the
assessment of serious handicap is either hopelessly too vague
or is simply not being enforced. Either way, the medical profession
has failed to self-regulate on this issue, acting contrary to
the intentions of those who were responsible for the original
legislation and contrary to its own stated guidance. In view of
this it falls to parliament to retake control of this difficult
issue and form a definition of serious handicap that will direct
the medical profession in such cases.
2. THE DECREASING
LIKELIHOOD THAT
PHYSICAL OR
MENTAL ABNORMALITIES
WILL LEAD
TO SERIOUS
HANDICAP
Treatment options
2.1 The steady improvement in neonatal intensive
care and paediatric surgery has led to many structural abnormalities
that previously would have been fatal now being considered completely
curable. Several years ago a stir was created after a woman at
35 weeks gestation was recommended to have a selective termination
of one of her twins because of a cardiac abnormality, which she
was later advised could be corrected though an operation with
an 85% success rate.[166]
2.2 Many phenotypic features of Klinefelter's
syndrome can be reduced by testosterone therapy, and some trials
have even shown success in using advanced fertility treatment
to allow those affected to father children.[167]
Down's syndrome, the single most common reason for termination
under ground E of the Abortion Act, is now far better understood.
With aggressive treatment of cardiac abnormalities many of those
affected survive well into their fifties and sixties.
2.3 Many of the conditions for which foetuses
are aborted under ground E of the Abortion Act remain significant
causes of handicap, with treatment proving ineffective or of very
little benefit. However, the examples cited above show that for
an equally large group of conditions, treatments exist which greatly
decrease handicap and increase both quality and quantity of life.
It is vital that these therapeutic options are reviewed when considering
the actual level of disability experienced by those affected.
Better care for the disabled
2.4 The days when "imbeciles"
were condemned to asylums and abandoned by society are mercifully
now in the past. The Disability Discrimination Acts of 1995 and
2005 commit society to promoting the civil rights of disabled
people and fighting discrimination against them. It is now mandatory
for disabled people to have barriers removed in accessing education,
employment, public transport, public facilities and other services,
and to have equal rights in buying land or property.[168]
Such legislation, and the changes that follow in the provision
of ramps, disabled toilets, large print documents or disabled
parking spaces, all serve to reduce the level of handicap faced
by those with a disability and to improve their quality of life.
2.5 An increased awareness of the challenges
of caring for children with disabilities mean that families including
such children receive considerable help from local authorities.
The help may be financial, through social services, by the offer
of child-minding, or it may involve the provision of respite care
to allow parents time to recuperate. Many children with Down's
syndrome are now catered for in mainstream schools, and can lead
happy and fulfilled lives, achieving high levels of independence.[169]
2.6 It is essential that parliament considers
carefully the range of conditions currently viewed by some as
causing serious handicap, and consider their potential for cure,
treatment and amelioration.
Advances in prenatal diagnosis
2.7 According to a 2000 report by the governement's
Advisory Committee on Genetic Testing, "at each pregnancy,
bearing in mind advances in technology and knowledge, women should
be offered information on prenatal genetic tests appropriate to
their individual risk factors".[170]
Our understanding of the genetic basis of disease is constantly
expanding, meaning that we will increasingly be able to test foetuses
for genes that cause a predisposition to develop certain conditions.
Genes have already been discovered that are linked to such common
medical conditions as type II diabetes,[171]
obesity,[172]
Alzheimer's disease[173]
and many cancers.[174]
2.8 For instance, patients with the HLA
B27 gene carry a substantially increased risk of developing ankylosing
spondylitis, inflammatory bowel disease and some forms of psoriasis[175]
all chronic, disabling conditions. Technology is already
available for prenatal HLA screening.[176]
If a foetus was to be found to carry HLA B27, it could easily
be argued that there was "a substantial risk that if the
child were born it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities
as to be seriously handicapped".[177]
Should such tests also become available for genes linked to common
medical conditions such as diabetes, obesity, heart disease or
forms of cancer, the number of pregnancies affected by foetal
genotypes potentially carrying risk of significant subsequent
handicap would be dramatically increased. For this reason it is
vital that public consensus be gained now on what constitutes
significant handicap, since the development of prenatal genetic
testing promises to raise major challenges in this area in the
future.
2.9 Our understanding of disease has moved
on a long way since 1967. It is very clear that none of us are
genetically "normal'we all carry in our DNA the predisposition
towards various diseases. However, the ability of society to treat
and care for those suffering from the disabling effects of disease
has also never been greater. What is essential is that society
decides which genetic or structural abnormalities will lead to
serious handicap, and uses such knowledge to guide prenatal screening
programmes.
3. THE NEED
FOR OPENNESS
AND JUSTICE
IN DECISIONS
CONCERNING HUMAN
DISABILITY AND
RIGHT TO
LIFE
Who decides?
3.1 The decision to terminate a pregnancy
affected by foetal abnormality has huge implications for the mother,
and so her consent is vital for a termination to be undertaken.
However any such decision also has implications for societythe
law has decided that viable foetuses (those of more than 24 weeks
gestation), have a legally protected status that can be superceded
only by the risk that the child, if born, would be seriously handicapped.
3.2 Currently the two doctors who sign the
abortion consent form represent the interests of the whole of
society in protecting foetuses that are not seriously handicapped.
For the reasons outlined below, these arrangements are insufficient
to protect society's decision, and it is essential that parliament
clarifies exactly what constitutes a risk of serious handicap.
The subjectivity of evaluation
3.3 It is clear that the decisions each
of us make will be informed by our own personal views of the world,
by different responsibilities we may have or by ways in which
we may gain from particular outcomes. According to a BMJ editorial
on the subject, conflicts of interests are "a condition,
not a behaviour",[178]
are inevitable and are not at all morally reprehensible.
3.4 The doctor who has a disabled child
themselves may decide whether or not a handicap is severe in quite
a different way from a doctor who sits on the hospital board and
is concerned about the amount of expenditure on paediatric services.
Likewise two doctors may decide quite differently on whether an
abnormality is severe if one of them has strongly pro-life views
and the other strongly pro-choice. Neither is morally compromised
by their positionhowever, as the BMJ editorial mentioned
above concluded, "transparency is the key". Currently
decisions are simply left to the discretion of individual doctors,
and so such decisions are carried out privately, away from public
scrutiny. Issues of such magnitude in which the public has a clear
interest should be decided openly in a forum where the views of
everyone can be heard, not simply the views of three individuals.
Economics and healthcare rationing
3.5 One argument given in favour of the
termination of seriously handicapped foetuses is essentially economicthat
such individuals place considerable burdens on an already over-stretched
health service (and often do not become financial contributors
to society to repay these costs). "Therapeutic abortion"
may be viewed as being preferable to the burden on services that
these children will represent.
3.6 Even if there are no moral objections
to financially-driven destruction of foetal life, there are still
problems with abortion being used in this way to reduce burdens
on services. Decisions about healthcare rationing are inevitable,
but must be made in the public arena where all members of society
can contribute to the debate. An evidence-based review must be
undertaken, to assess the relative costs of caring for different
types of congenital disability, against the costs of diagnosis
and termination of affected foetuses. Such a review could be used
to define "serious handicap" in purely economic terms,
which though morally problematic is essential if arguments about
healthcare costs are to be adequately assessed.
Effects of disability on individuals and families
3.7 Abortion for foetal handicap is often
justified on the basis of the alleviation of suffering, either
for the individual affected or for the family who will have to
care for them.
3.8 Tom Shakespeare is a research fellow
at Newcastle University who was born with the genetic condition
achondroplasia, leading to severe limb abnormalities. Although
defending abortion in general, he greatly opposes the special
case made for abortion due to foetal handicap. Speaking about
those with profound learning difficulties, he argues that "just
because a person is unable to articulate their views and concerns
clearly does not mean that their life isn't worth living".[179]
3.9 The suicide rate in Down's syndrome
sufferers is significantly lower than that in the general population.[180]
According to their website, "The Down's Syndrome Association
does not consider Down's syndrome a reason for termination. People
with Down's syndrome can and do lead full and rewarding lives".[181]
The love that they are shown, and that they can return to their
carers, in the words of one commentator brings good from evil
"like the grit in the oyster that causes a pearl to form.[182]
3.10 Caring for a disabled child is challenging
for families. Common parental reactions to a diagnosis of long-term
disability in their child include sadness, guilt and anger. However,
research shows that the divorce rate amongst parents of disabled
children is no higher than that in the general population.[183]
Siblings of children with Down's syndrome generally get on well
with their disabled brother or sister. They are fond of them,
not embarrassed to introduce them to their friends, and often
become more caring individuals than they were previously, according
to their parents.[184]
3.11 Disability and handicap must not be
assumed to lead to a quality of life which is not worth living.
The views of disabled people on their quality of a life are far
more pertinent in making such choices that the views of the two
doctors who currently decide.
Negative effects of abortion for handicap
3.12 Abortion cannot wind back the clock.
Instead of facing the problems of bringing up a disabled child,
women may face long term psychological ill health. One follow-up
trial found that, two years afterwards, 20% of women who had aborted
their foetuses because of handicap still experienced regular bouts
of crying, sadness and irritability.[185]
Personal anecdotes of those in this position that were collected
for another study are harrowing: "when we went to the parents"
support group the other couples said they blamed themselves for
not being strong enough to deal with an abnormal child. When they
said this, it was like a dagger through my heart, because I knew
it was true for me, too. I cried for two solid days, but I had
to face my guilt. Those feelings are there, and if you don't get
them out, they eat away at you".[186]
3.13 Abortion for handicap may also have
larger impacts on society, with disabled people particularly sensitive
to what they feel it says about their value. As Tom Shakespeare
points out, "it is very difficult to support a practice which
would have prevented one's own existence".[187]
At a 1998 workshop on abortion, unexpected agreement was reached
between Ann Furedi, now of Abortion Rights, the pro-choice charity;
and Helen Watt of the Society for the Protection of the Unborn
Child. Both were agreed that the law should not treat disabled
and able-bodied foetuses differentlyWatt arguing that abortion
law should be greatly curtailed across the board, and Furedi that
women should be able to abort up to term for any reason they choose.[188]
The mere existence of section 1(1)d requires serious review since
it seems to draw a line between the moral worth of foetuses based
solely on their level of disability.
3.14 A definition of serious abnormality
is absolutely necessary because of the implications abortions
may have on women, their families and on society more generally.
These costs must be offset by a sufficient benefit in terms of
handicap reduction before and such procedures can even be considered.
CONCLUSION
At the heart of the debate about the termination
of handicapped foetuses lies a question of value: based on what
criteria do we assess the value of disabled human life? Opinions
range from those who view all human life as sacred regardless
of its physical and mental capacity,[189]
through to those who view some handicaps as being of such great
severity that they are willing even to sanction the destruction
of babies in their first few years of life.[190]
It is crucial that parliament defines serious
handicap in a way based on evidence from scientists, doctors,
disabled people and others in society who wish to contribute.
The implications for disabled people makes such a decision far
too important to be decided simply by two doctors and a pregnant
mother. Either section 1(1)d must be scrapped altogether, as unnecessary
and discriminatory, or we must decide together which conditions
provide so serious a level of handicap as to render such lives
unwanted by society.
September 2007
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