5. Memorandum submitted by the Occupational
and Environmental Health Research Group, University of Stirling
The proposed bill aims to fill an important
gap in UK justice. However, in our estimation, the draft has been
framed in an unnecessarily narrow way. There are several areas,
which we detail below, where the bill could be altered to ensure
both clarity and greater justice and to extend culpability to
protect employees from well recognised occupational diseases with
specific and traceable causes without becoming too unwieldy, unworkable
or burdensome.
1. INDIVIDUAL
LIABILITY
In the pre-amble to the Draft Bill, the Government's
concern in the 2000 Home Office consultation that reforming the
criminal liability of companies without imposing new punishments
upon company officers would be insufficient for the purposes of
deterrence is noted. The Draft Bill further notes that "these
proposals received a great deal of comment from respondents, with
strong opinions on both sides and views evenly split", and
therefore rejects the call for an individual offence for senior
officers. This is an unsatisfactory conclusion however, since
the fact that there were two opposing sides on this issue is hardly
surprising. In the consultation exercise, employers' organisations
argued vociferously against individual liability. Those groups
with an interest in the protection of workers and members of the
public (such as trade unions and victims organisations) argued
equally vociferously for individual liability. The representatives
of those likely to be prosecuted by a new law will rarely lend
strong support to tough laws that expose their members to criminal
penalties. Instead of skirting around the most controversial issues
simply because there is no consensus, the reform process needs
to remain focussed on the effectiveness of the proposed law.
The Draft Bill already expressly excludes individuals
from culpability and stipulates that "an individual cannot
be found guilty of aiding, abetting, counselling or procuring
an offence of corporate manslaughter." This stands in stark
contrast to the Canadian government which noted that under their
new legislation a corporate executive or board member can also
be liable under the Criminal Code for aiding or abetting an offence,
for counselling a person to be a party to an offence or being
an accessory after the fact to an offence. The Australian Capital
Territory (ACT) enacted a separate individual offence in the Crimes
(Industrial Manslaughter) Amendment Bill 2003 to allow for
the prosecution of "senior officers" if they negligently
or recklessly caused the death of a worker. Senior officers face
a maximum penalty of 25 years imprisonment if they are convicted.
The exclusion of a specific offence for directors and senior managers
in our view represents a major weakness in the bill because key
decision makers in corporations are able to use the corporate
shell to conduct unlawful business with impunity. The liability
of individual senior officers is a crucial component of any law
reform programme, because of its deterrent effect. Without individual
liability, a company can be used to commit crime with relative
impunity, especially if it is only exposing itself to fines (which
expressed as a proportion of revenue often equate to exceptionally
small sums for larger companies) or low-level remedial orders.
Corporate deterrence is therefore likely to be weak unless it
is linked to individual liability.
The importance of enabling individual liability
is widely acknowledged by the wider public, where individual liability
is supported in polls of the general public and senior executives
and directors themselves when asked as part of a confidential
survey. A UK-wide MORI poll commissioned by the Transport and
General Workers Union in 2003 found that 65% of people agreed
with the statement that "workplace safety will only improve
if company directors can be prosecuted for a serious criminal
offence like manslaughter." The same proportion supported
the introduction of corporate killing with directors being made
personally responsible. A survey of directors and senior managers
in England conducted by consultancy firm Norton Rose also found
that 55% thought that an individual director should be made personally
responsible and criminally liable for failings in the organisation.
The Government stresses that individuals will
remain accountable under the existing common law offence of manslaughter.
This route, however, is likely to remain inadequate for the purpose
of prosecuting individuals. Despite a recent rise in the number
of prosecutions, the current rate remains at about three or four
prosecutions of individuals per year in England and Wales. No
individual has ever been prosecuted for homicide in Scotland for
causing a death at work. It may be that that the law in its proposed
form will actually discourage prosecutions that take the common
law route since the prosecuting authorities will now be expected
to process corporate manslaughter cases using the new law. The
opportunity to provide a more effective legal means of prosecuting
both companies and individuals therefore may well be short circuited,
albeit unintentionally, by the proposed bill. We would argue that
the only way to ensure that the legislation acts as a more effective
deterrent will be to introduce a secondary offence which enables
individuals to be held liable for significant contribution to
the offence of corporate manslaughter. At a minimum, we would
argue strongly for the need to retain a lower level individual
offence that approximates to "aiding and betting".
2. DUTY OF
CARE
In order to specify when the new offence comes
into play, it must be established that there is a relevant duty
of care between the organisation and the deceased. In our opinion,
demonstrating this relationship is likely to prove difficult in
too many circumstances. Using a civil law concept of duty of care
in this way does, as the Government suggest, clarify the position
in relation to the circumstance under which the offence will apply.
However, it also fails to clarify the relationship between this
duty of care and existing statutory duties under, for example,
the Health and Safety at Work Act 1974. Amending the offence in
its current form to include gross breaches of statutory obligations
is relatively easy to do, would make it much clearer exactly what
the obligations on employers are, and would ensure consistency
with existing statutory law.
3. ATTRIBUTING
LIABILITY
In order to overcome the problems posed in several
corporate manslaughter prosecutions (not least the Herald of Free
Enterprise caseR v HM Coroner for East Kent ex parte
Spooner [1989] 88 Cr App R 10) the conduct of managers and
those in authority at a level lower than that of senior manager
must be allowed to trigger liability. It appears from the wording
of the bill that the "way in which any of the organisation's
activities are managed or organised" intends to capture a
means of linking senior managers' role in management and organisation
to evidence of criminal conduct at lower levels of the organisation.
We would draw two problems to the attention of the Government
here. First, the drafting of the bill does not make this clear
enough. Second, whilst the Draft Bill offers a means of escaping
the straightjacket of corporate mens rea based upon the identification
principle, it retains an overly strict means of identifying the
conduct of senior manager(s) in order to attribute liability to
the corporation.
In Canada, although there is a comparable method
of attributing liability used, Canadian law makes it much clearer
that criminal liability can be triggered at all levels of the
organisation by anyone with sufficient authority. In the Canadian
C-45 Bill which passed into law in November 2003, the conduct
of the company's "representatives" is the first consideration
in determining the offence. Representatives can be employees,
agents or contractors of the organisation. A corporate offence
is committed if, at the same time, senior officers who have responsibility
for the aspect of the organisation's activities relevant to the
offence have departed from a standard of care that could have
been reasonable expected in the circumstances.
Under the Australian Federal Criminal Code Act
1995, the method of attributing liability by way of the identification
route remains intact (to show that the corporation's board of
directors or a high managerial agent intentionally, knowingly
or recklessly carried out the relevant conduct). But significantly,
intention, knowledge or recklessness can be also attributed to
a corporation where it is established either that a "corporate
culture existed within the body corporate that directed, encouraged,
tolerated or led to non-compliance with the relevant provision.",
or where the corporation failed to create and maintain a corporate
culture that ensured legal compliance. Corporate culture is defined
in the Act as "an attitude, policy, rule, course of conduct
or practice existing within the body corporate generally or in
the part of the body corporate in which the relevant activities
takes place." In the corporate culture model, liability can
be imputed where the individual who committed the unlawful act
reasonably believed that an authoritative member of the corporation
would have authorized or permitted the commission of the offence.
The draft Bill for England and Wales does not
escape fully from the iron cage of identification, since in order
to secure a conviction of the company, criminal conduct must be
tied to the specific conduct of individual senior manager(s).
This form of attributing liability is a much weaker one than that
set out in the proposals outlined in the original 2000 Home Office
consultation where there was no indication that a particular level
of "senior" management was required for a prosecution.
The means of attributing corporate liability
is too briefly set out in the Draft Bill. We would propose that
the innovative approaches adopted in Canada and Australia are
much more likely to provide a clearer and more workable model
for the means of attributing liability.
We also draw to your attention to the rather
vague definition of "senior manager" in the Draft Bill
that creates another grey area. In the Draft Bill, it appears
that the term is intended to apply to directors, but this is not
entirely clear in the wording of notes which accompany the Draft
Bill. We would therefore urge the Government to clarify the wording
of the Bill in this respect?
4. THE "GROSS
BREACH" THRESHOLD
The criteria that must be used to determine
a gross breach creates a second major hurdle in the route to prosecution.
In order to determine whether or not the conduct in question is
gross, a jury is required to consider whether one or more "senior
managers" knew or ought to have known about the failure to
comply or that they were aware or ought to have been aware of
the risk of death. More significantly, juries must consider whether
senior managers "sought to cause the organisation to profit
from that failure." What this does is effectively introduce
a requirement that may be very difficult to demonstrate. It is
highly likely that juries will be asked to consider complex evidential
arguments on the issue of whether or not a profit motive existed.
This requirement effectively raises the bar to prosecution and
introduces wholly unnecessary complexity into the process. Moreover,
it is not clear at all how the bill might deal with cases involving
public sector and non-profit organisations, or how juries might
be directed in those cases.
The criteria set out in part 3(2)(b) of the
Draft Bill is more likely to hinder, rather than to help a jury
reach a decision.
5. SCOPE OF
THE BILL
The Draft Bill is remarkably and we think unnecessarily
limited in its scope. It has singled out the offence of manslaughter
and in doing so has deliberately ignored other offences of corporate
violence or endangerment. At the moment, if a company either recklessly
endangers its workers or the public, or causes injury or disease
to a person as a result of gross negligence/recklessness then
it is prosecutedif prosecuted at allfor a breach
of health and safety law, rather than for an offence that properly
describes serious unlawful conduct. There is no logical reason
for not including "injuries" offences that capture physical
injury and occupational disease. Indeed, it may be sending out
a confusing message to say that we will criminalise serious offences
that result in death and not those that don't, by virtue only
of the good fortune that the offence caused injury rather than
death. We do not anticipate that the incorporation of endangerment,
injury and disease into this offence using the same form of attributing
liability and the same legal tests would be a major drafting problem.
We urge the Government to reconsider the inclusion of new criminal
offences which prohibit the causation of endangerment, injury
and disease.
6. LIMITED RANGE
OF SANCTIONS
The Draft Bill stipulates two penalties that
are available to the courts: remedial orders similar to those
used in health and safety law cases, and fines at a level to be
determined by the courts according to the seriousness of the offence.
Similar laws in other jurisdictions impose a much wider and more
imaginative range of penalties than those proposed in the Draft
Bill. We should not restrict our options here, but consider the
range of effective sanctions that can be imposed on companies,
and indeed consider why organisations require specially designed
punishments which recognise that achieving justice, deterrence
and rehabilitation may require flexibility and imagination in
sentencing. In the Australian Capital Territory Act mentioned
previously, the courts can order the offence, the deaths or serious
injuries or other consequences resulting from or related to the
conduct and any penalties imposed, to be publicised on television
or in a daily newspaper and to be notified in an annual report
or another notice to shareholders of the corporation. We urge
the Government to consider inclusion of a full range of penalties
to include the public shaming provisions set out above; corporate
probation (where companies are required to comply with a set of
health and safety improvements for a set period of time or face
stiffer penalties); confiscation of assets associated with the
offending; prohibition of the corporation from business activities
associated with the offending; dissolution (or the "corporate
death penalty"); and equity fines which reduce the value
of shares in the company (thus preventing the costs of large fines
being passed on to workers, consumers or other smaller client
firms).
7. LIMITED JURISDICTION
We also question the rationale for the de
facto exemption of English and Welsh firms where operations
are based abroad. This has particular implications for southern
hemisphere countries where regulatory standards are driven down
by the need to attract foreign capital. Any new law should not
permit companies to establish lower standards of protection for
workers in developing countries. Foreign liability is excluded
in the Draft Bill on the basis that "the offence would in
practice be unenforceable." This is unconvincing and inconsistent
with the common law rules for individual manslaughter offences.
At the moment, UK nationals can be prosecuted in the UK for committing
homicide abroad. In addition, there are a range of legislative
provisions (not least those covering financial wrongdoing and
corruption) that enable the prosecution of UK companies operating
abroad. The granting of immunity to UK companies abroad for killing
rather than embezzling for example an unnecessary anomaly in law.
We urge the Government to amend the Draft Bill to include liability
for UK companies that commit this offence abroad.
8. DEATHS RESULTING
FROM EXPOSURE
TO HARMFUL
SUBSTANCES
In the UK at the moment there remains a woeful
lack of enforcement for offences that cause deaths and diseases
following exposure to harmful substances (such as the exposure
of workers to asbestos or chemicals). Across the UK, only 1% of
deaths resulting from occupational exposures, as opposed to sudden
deaths from injuries, are currently prosecuted as offences. Any
new law on corporate killing will by definition, cover many of
those deaths caused by exposure to harmful substances. This is
not so much a substantive issue of law, but an issue relating
to the gathering of evidence and of the rules and procedures used
in investigations. The Government should immediately review those
aspects of evidence gathering and investigation used by the police
and the HSE following deaths related to occupational health causes.
Those aspects of the process are also resource intensive and we
would urge the Government to provide resources immediately to
reverse the unacceptable shortfall in occupational health related
prosecutions.
17 June 2005
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