Select Committee on Modernisation of the House of Commons Second Report


SECOND REPORT

The Select Committee on Modernisation of the House of Commons has agreed to the following Report:—

PROGRAMMING OF LEGISLATION AND TIMING OF VOTES

Introduction

1. The unique Modernisation Committee was established in 1997 with a Cabinet Minister in the Chair and a very wide brief. Both our very existence and the acceptance of many Reports and recommendations have made clear the commitment of the House to the modernisation of its procedures. There has been a real change in the way in which the House works, but we believe the time is right to make a further incremental change.

2. We recognised from the start that a very important aspect of our work would be the improvement of the legislative programme. Our First Report[12] in July 1997 was dedicated to these issues, and our four main proposals were a means to that end. We continue to believe that any change in hours, procedures or facilities should enhance and not impede the way the House approaches its primary tasks of legislative scrutiny and holding the Government to account.

3. We undertook to monitor the effect of all our recommendations. We are currently concentrating on the programming of legislation; it is not only a key element in improving both the scrutiny of legislation and the quality of the final product. Also it is the key to making better use of the time of Members, which has also been a constant theme of our recommendations.

The development of programming

4. As long ago as 1985 the Procedure Committee recommended routine programming of discussion in standing committee. In February 1992 the Jopling Report[13] noted that "The weight of opinion is probably in favour of the greater use of timetables for public legislation"[14] and recommended that the House should take steps to apply programming provisions to all stages of Government bills. Our First Report echoed this, pointing out its advantages to both the Government and the Opposition. It would enable the Government to deliver its legislative programme (provided it had the consent of the House) whilst allowing all parties to have their say but guaranteeing the Opposition debates and votes on those parts of the legislation it considered important.

5. The basic requirements of a reformed system as identified in our First Report were:

—  The Government of the day must be assured of getting its legislation through in reasonable time (provided that it obtains the approval of the House).

—  The Opposition in particular and Members in general must have a full opportunity to discuss and seek to change provisions to which they attach importance.

—  All parts of a bill must be properly considered.

But now there should be added:

—  Bills need to be properly prepared so as not to require a mass of new Government amendments.

These objectives remain central to the proposals which we are making to the House.

Mechanism

6. There are already a variety of mechanisms which promote the efficient use of Parliamentary time. Voluntary informal agreements between the usual channels have long existed; the allocation of time order or guillotine was introduced in 1887, and an adaptation, the all-party programme motion, was introduced at the beginning of this Parliament. Fuller details of these mechanisms are contained within Annex B.

7. Each mechanism has both advantages and disadvantages.

·    Informal agreements, whilst they are flexible and have worked well even on controversial bills, can be negated by those not specifically party to them.

  • Agreed programme motions enable full debate of the key points, although it might be argued that they limit flexibility.

8. Having examined these issues, together with our experience of the way time-tabling has operated recently and drawing on best practice from, for example, the programming of committee discussion of the Greater London Authority Bill, we have concluded that any mechanism has to embody certain key features:

    —  clarity—it must be clear that the mechanism provides for programmed discussion on all bills to which it is applied;

    —  simplicity—the mechanism chosen should be as straightforward and easy to understand as possible; and

    —  flexibility—it should be possible to apply, with as much or as little detail and rigour as the House requires, across the broad range of legislation which the House considers.

How has programming worked?

9. In order to assess the success or otherwise of our 1997 recommendations, we have analysed the proceedings on the bills which have been programmed or guillotined in the present Session. The analysis is in Annex C to this Report. We also sought the views of both the Speaker and the Chairman of Ways and Means specifically to draw on their experience to date of the use of programme motions; their letters are attached as Appendices to this Report.

10. The Speaker told us that she agreed with the objectives identified in our First Report (set out in paragraph 5 above). "In general my judgement is that programme orders have been successful in securing the first two of the three objectives... Their success in ensuring that all parts of a bill are properly considered has perhaps been more mixed." She said that "the artificial prolongation of proceedings, by whatever means, does the House no credit in the eyes of those whom we represent and is rarely a productive use of the House's time." In the Speaker's view, "The advantage of programme motions is that they are transparent to the whole House, open to the proposal of amendment if particular Members are seriously aggrieved by the suggested timetable (although no such amendments have in fact been moved to programme motions so far) and enforceable. Their off-setting disadvantage is that they can be less flexible than informal agreements and cannot be adapted to the changing needs of the House as debates progress during a day". She also pointed out that programming did not increase the amount of time available: "Whatever procedural measures are adopted, there will remain limits on the amount of legislation that the House can cope with in a session while continuing to observe the Modernisation Committee's own criteria for an effective legislative process." Both the Speaker and the Chairman made the point very strongly that no programming arrangements should seek to pre-empt the longstanding discretion given to the Chairman to determine the selection and grouping of amendments.

11. The Chairman of Ways and Means made comments that principally related to proceedings in Committee of the whole House. He was rather less optimistic than the Speaker. He felt that in many instances not all parts of programmed bills had been properly considered: "If then the justification for programming is that it allows debating time to be spread or rationed so that all parts of a bill can get appropriate attention, observation from the Chair would lead me to conclude that this outcome has not been frequently achieved." He suggested that backbenchers had been the principal losers, citing the Government of Wales Bill where he felt that neither the programming arrangements nor the operation of the Business Committee had taken account of a prominent group of dissident Government backbenchers. He said that, from the perspective of chairing Business Committees, "the evidence for how the new arrangements have worked in practice is thin."

12. Our own analysis confirms that even with programme motions the third of our aims —scrutiny of all parts of a bill—is hardest to deliver. Although it is clear that programmed bills have been rather more comprehensively discussed than have old-style guillotined bills, there remain some gaps and omissions.

The case for agreed programming

13. While we acknowledge that there remain deficiencies in the agreed programming procedures used since 1997, it remains our firm judgement that, whilst voluntary informal agreements will continue to have a role to play, agreed programming of legislation can have a role to play in ensuring a more effective and efficient use of Parliamentary time and improvement in the scrutiny of legislation. Its benefits extend across the range of interests in Parliament and beyond:

14. It is said that the Opposition's main weapon is time. Whilst it is the case that the Government can be inconvenienced if controversial provisions are debated at some length, it has often been assumed that the strength of this weapon was in the wasting of time by obstructing discussion of important issues on which there is disagreement. While a long-cherished weapon, it has long been clear that it is massively ineffective in its declared aim of preventing Government legislation from reaching the statute book, although it does at times provide a negotiating position for Opposition parties.

15. In recent years, it has increasingly been recognised that in practice the most effective use of time is when it is used to focus on the issues of greatest importance to the Opposition, which are most commonly the issues of greatest difficulty for the Government. Agreed programmes are the key to such a structured use of time. This would also allow Members on all sides to have greater certainty in planning the working day.

16. Fundamental to our approach is the view that change is not a "zero sum" game in which gains by one participant are inevitably matched by losses by others. Properly constructed it should bring benefits for all participants in the legislative process, including those outside the House with legitimate interests, the Government, Opposition, and backbenchers in all parties.

The way forward

17. In order to provide both the key features previously identified and to enable the criteria we set out in 1997 to be met more adequately, we make the following proposals.

18. There should be discussions at the earliest possible stage of the Government's legislative proposals as a whole. We propose therefore that the Government should begin informal talks with all parties just after the Queen's Speech. These discussions would include the weight and importance that should be given to particular elements of the legislative proposals; which bills might be candidates for carry-over motions (a procedure used only once since the House agreed to our original proposals); and which bills might start in the Lords. The outcome of the talks would help to illuminate the likely pressures over the Parliamentary year and would be useful in helping the Government to develop a reasonable proposal for a start and finish date for certain bills. It would give the Opposition a voice in the handling of key aspects of Parliament's main programme. It would also help in the development of a much more certain Parliamentary calendar than exists at present, which remains one of our main objectives.

19. The House should also commission new Sessional Orders to provide a framework which facilitates all the decisions which need to be made when any motion is tabled to structure debate. These Sessional Orders would be designed to be capable of being applied to a particular bill by a motion or motions specific to that bill.

20. We stress that it need not be automatic for all the mechanisms provided by the new Sessional Order to be implemented for each and every stage of each and every bill. In some cases only the essential details such as the date by which the bill should be reported from committee would be given. In other cases there could be a more detailed breakdown of the time allocated to particular sections of the bills. What is important is that there should be a framework within which such decisions could be taken.

21. The Government motion would, as recommended in our First Report (see Annex A), specify whether the bill was to go to a standing committee and, if so, the date by which the committee should report in whatever detail was thought to be required.

22. Once the bill was committed to a Standing Committee a designated Programming Sub-committee, consisting of the Chairman of the Committee and both frontbench and backbench members of the Committee, should meet as necessary to consider the Committee's programme. The result of their deliberations would be put to the Committee as an amendable motion. It would be for the Standing Committee itself to decide, through agreement to or amendment of the Programming Sub-committee's proposals, when to meet and how long to sit, and how long to allocate to any part of the bill. The amount of detail in the programme would be a matter for the Committee. The Programming Sub-committee would propose variations on the original agreement if this became necessary. In some cases it might be considered that a formal programme motion was unnecessary. The Committee itself could give an indication of the length of time it considered appropriate for remaining stages.

23. In the case of a bill committed to a Committee of the whole House, a similar procedure would apply with a designated Programming Sub-committee under the chairmanship of the Chairman of Ways and Means.

24. When a bill was reported, we anticipate that as now discussions between the usual channels, who would be required to take account of the views of backbenchers and of the Standing Committee, would establish the time required for remaining stages. If it were decided that a formal programme was required, there would as now be a supplemental motion allotting that time. We anticipate that where agreement had been reached, the arrangement of business within the time allotted would be a matter principally for the Opposition and backbench Members. Since the House would have already agreed to the principle that the bill should be programmed, the question on this motion would be put forthwith.

25. It would be in the new Sessional Orders that all the detailed provisions that need to apply when programming is used would be set out. This would meet the requirement for greater simplicity in the decisions being made day to day by the House. Too often, at present, the substance of what is proposed is obscured by the detailed "contingency plans" which have to surround it. The House would be able to see what was proposed far more easily.

26. To illustrate the effect of our proposals we set out in Annex D a typical programme motion under existing procedure. Those sections which are in essence common form applicable to all bills are underlined; such provisions would be incorporated in the new Sessional Order. Those sections which would be covered by specific motions under our proposals are italicised. We also set out in the Annex example of the sort of motions which might actually be moved in the case of hypothetical bills were our proposals to be adopted.

27. We recognise that there may be occasions where no agreement can be reached, either informally or by agreed programme motions. Although we would hope that such occasions would be rare, the existing procedures covering guillotine motions would continue to be available as they are at present.

Tabling of amendments

28. One of the difficulties in securing the intention to give the Opposition time on topics which they particularly wish to debate, is the uncertainty about what amendments will be selected and how they will be grouped for debate. At present the House authorities sometimes agree to an early "provisional" selection where that is critical to the form of a guillotine or programme motion. Without in any way fettering the discretion of the Chair, greater use of such provisional selection might be advantageous. This would of course place much greater pressure on those tabling amendments (Government, Opposition and backbenchers alike) to do so earlier. Though on occasion challenging, to have greater notice of Members' intentions would in itself be beneficial to better debate. At present we do not propose a prescriptive cut-off point set out in Standing Orders by when amendments would have to be tabled, but we intend to return to this issue if experience shows that it could be needed.

Timing of votes

29. Whilst the principal issue we have reviewed was the programming of legislation, we have also considered whether a way could be found which—without diminishing the capacity of the House to deliver its judgements—would reduce the number of occasions on which those judgements have to be delivered in the small hours of the morning. One possibility we have considered was that, without curtailing debate, there could be a cut-off time after which votes would cease to be taken. They would instead be deferred for decision at another point in the main Parliamentary day.

30. We see clear advantages in having a mechanism which would allow Members to debate business after 10 pm without requiring other Members who did not wish to take part in the debate to remain in the building late at night waiting for a division which might in the event not take place.

31. We recognise that much of the practice of the House is to debate a matter and then take a decision on it, without a separation between decision and debate. However, the House's current procedures provide in at least two instances for the postponement of a decision. Standing Order No 54 (Consideration of estimates) provides for the deferral until 10 pm of questions on Estimates motions, even though the debate may have been concluded several hours earlier. This is to ensure that divisions on matters of the greatest practical importance take place at a predictable time. The grouping of amendments in committee or on report also has the effect of separating the debate from the decision, as the attached memorandum from the Clerk of the House points out: "¼where a group of amendments are debated together, where the group includes two or more themes, and where the amendments occur at widely separated parts of a bill, the Chair's power of selection may be exercised to permit a separate division on an amendment on a subsidiary theme once the point at which it stands in the bill is reached, though the debate (strictly speaking on the lead amendment in the group as a whole) might have concluded much earlier." We therefore see certain benefits in the deferral of divisions.

32. Whilst it might be possible procedurally, we see no advantage in deferring parts of a sequence of votes beginning at 10 pm, even if the second and subsequent votes fell after 10 pm. For example, on an allotted Opposition day, it would make sense for the House, as we do now, having voted on the Opposition's motion at 10 pm, to go on to vote on the Government's amendment at 10.15 pm in order to dispose of the business. The same considerations apply to Opposition amendments to Government motions; amendments to the Loyal Address; proceedings following a closure; Budget resolutions and Estimates resolutions (each of which leads to the introduction of a bill); and to the sequence of divisions which may be associated with the second reading of a bill (reasoned amendment, main question, committal motion, programming motion, etc).

33. This leaves a distinct class of free-standing motions, without associated amendments, which it would be both possible and sensible to defer if a division would otherwise occur after 10 pm. These include:


34. In the case of the items of business identified in the previous paragraph, if the House was able to decide the business without a division it would do so, as it does at present; but if the Chair's opinion as to the decision of the question was challenged, the question would be deferred.

35. Deferred votes need to be taken at a time which is predictable and which is convenient for Members generally; and they need to be conducted in a way which does not interfere with the business of the House. Accordingly, we recommend that such questions should be deferred to the next Wednesday on which the House sits and should be decided between 3.30 pm and 5 pm that day.

36. Between those times the division clerks would attend in the 'No' lobby and Members would be able to record their votes, either 'Aye' or 'No', on all questions which had been deferred since the previous Wednesday evening. While this was going on the House and its committees would get on with their regular business; but if there were a division in the House the recording of votes on deferred questions would have to be suspended until the division was over. The procedures would be analogous to that used for private Members' bills ballots with which the House is familiar.

37. It would not be possible for tellers to perform their usual function, since the number of Members leaving the lobby would not indicate how many had voted on a particular question, or whether they had voted 'Aye' or 'No', so the counting would have to done by the Clerk of Divisions from the division clerks' lists, which should if possible be machine-readable. Once the votes had been counted the results would be handed to the occupant of the Chair (who would interrupt the business at a convenient point to announce the results), and would be announced via the annunciator. The full division lists would be printed in the Official Report for that day.

38. In order to assist Members a paper would be prepared setting out in full all the deferred questions which were to be voted on. This paper would be available at the start of the day and would be included in the Vote bundle.

39. Because there might be more than one question to be voted on, and votes for and against each question would be recorded in the same place, it would take each Member slightly longer to vote by this procedure than in a conventional division. Against that, substantially more than the normal time would be available in which votes could be cast, so if there were queues at the desks Members would have the option of coming back later when the lobby might be less crowded. We believe Members would be prepared to wait a few minutes to vote when the alternative would be to pass through the lobbies, possibly several times, late at night. Such difficulties may in any event be eased if at a later date the House decides to make use of electronic methods of recording votes in the Lobby.

40. However, when we took advice on deferring votes from the Clerk of the House, whose memorandum is included in the Appendices to this Report, he identified a particular problem which would arise during the committee or report stage of a bill: "Nearly every list of selected amendments contains groups linking amendments closely related by topic, which nevertheless fit into the bill at different places. Some decisions will therefore depend on others which arose earlier...The House would not proceed in logical sequence, connecting principle and details if...a decision on the main issue were not taken...Either all the business on the bill would have to stop, or the business would fall into real complexity if the House abandoned the group and went on with the next."

41. We accept the Clerk's advice that the deferral of votes would not be practicable during the committee or report stage of a bill or the consideration of Lords amendments. If a bill were programmed, the programme itself could solve the problem of late votes by ensuring both greater certainty in the timing of votes and a limitation on when they would be taken. We therefore further recommend that all programme motions introduced under our proposals should contain provisions that proceedings on any particular day should be concluded at about 10 pm (or 7 pm on a Thursday), followed if necessary by consequential votes.

42. A degree of flexibility should nonetheless be allowed. It would be undesirable if Ministers were deterred from making statements to the House at 3.30 pm by the consideration that they were taking time from programmed business. For that reason we consider that programmes should be constructed by reference to specified periods from the commencement of proceedings on the bill, rather than by reference to specified hours. In that way it should be possible to build in a reasonable margin to allow for the possibility of private notice questions and statements without prolonging business significantly beyond 10 pm.

Conclusions

43. The recommendations which we make in this report are the logical conclusion of a debate which has continued for many years. Our proposals do not, in any way, represent a departure from those we put forward three years ago. They are simply a development of what we then proposed, based on the experience of what has happened in the intervening period, and the best practice which has grown up since then. Their prime purpose is to secure a better discussion of legislation and thereby a better final product, and they offer real gains for all sides of the House.

44. In short, the Government gets its legislation, the Opposition chooses what areas get the focus of debate, and individual Members get greater certainty about the progress of business and the timing of votes.

45. We envisage that these proposals, like our earlier proposals for revised hours of sitting on Thursdays and for sittings in Westminster Hall, should be implemented as an experiment at the start of the next Parliamentary Session so that the House can consider whether or not it wishes to make the new Sessional Order a permanent feature of our procedures in the future. If the House agrees to such an experiment, we will monitor the progress of it and report to the House in due course.



12  First Report, Session 1997-98, The Legislative Process, HC 190. Back

13  Report from the Select Committee on Sittings of the House, HC 20-I, Session 1991-92. Back

14  Para 68. Back


 
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