Human Rights and Conflict
12. This region of Turkey has for years been troubled
by severe conflict. Human rights abuses, particularly in relation
to the Kurdish minority, large numbers of whom live in south eastern
Turkey in the region of the proposed Dam, have been monitored
and chronicled by such bodies as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
International.[15]
A further conflict-related issue is the fact that Turkey's neighbours,
Iraq and Syria, have both objected to the proposed Dam, citing
concerns over downstream flows of the River Tigris.[16]
We have in a previous Report on Conflict Prevention and Post-Conflict
Reconstruction made the point that genuine development can only
take place as conflicts are prevented and resolved, and as human
rights are respected. In particular, the Report recommended that
the Government, and the multilateral agencies to which it contributes,
apply 'conflict impact assessments' to its projects to ensure
that no intervention fuels or prolongs conflict.[17]
In the Government response we were told that an initial methodology
had been developed but that "progress is difficult due to
the sensitivity of the subject, lack of cooperation from some
agencies, and lack of access to conflict-affected groups and potential
beneficiaries to gain their views and direct participation".
The Government went on to emphasise that "Issues of social
exclusion are central to DFID's work. DFID is developing ways
of mainstreaming these issues and is also focusing on increasing
the capacity of civil society to negotiate and lobby for the rights
of those who are socially excluded".[18]
13. Even if the methodology of conflict impact assessment
is in its early stages, the Government claims to be committed
to the principle of conflict sensitivity in its operations - this
must apply not only to the work of DFID but to all the operations
of Whitehall in developing countries, including ECGD. Richard
Caborn told us with regard to the Ilisu Dam that they had not
done a conflict impact assessment though he promised to take the
suggestion away to consider.[19]
But this goes beyond the application of any formal "assessment"
procedure. We have no sense that ECGD and the United Kingdom
Government have at any point seriously considered what repercussions
the construction of the Dam will have on the prospects for peace
(and thus genuine sustainable development) and the rights of the
marginalised in this region of Turkey.
14. The responsibility to provide advice on human
rights in the case of the Ilisu Dam rested clearly with the Foreign
Office - we have been told by Richard Caborn and Vivian Brown
both that the FCO were consulted and that the question of human
rights in relation to the Dam was not raised. Richard Caborn said
that the Government had "taken what is the normal intelligence,
which is fed into the Foreign Office. They have been consulted
on this, as indeed all the Government departments have been consulted
in the normal way. Nobody has raised a question so far as ECGD
cover is concerned ... There is no one who has come back and raised
the human rights question in terms of this dam and the awarding
of ECGD".[20]
If the Foreign Office was not raising human rights issues with
ECGD in relation to the Dam, we are perplexed as to what they
found to talk about. No details have been given of precisely what
advice the Foreign Office did give to ECGD, although we have been
told they are "in regular contact" regarding the project.[21]
Further parliamentary questions have been asked concerning inter-departmental
consultations on the Dam in an attempt to find out exactly what
advice was given to ECGD by other government departments. In a
generally unhelpful answer, it was made clear that consultation
began in January 1999 and there was intensive consultation during
November and December 1999 prior to the announcement of the Secretary
of State for Trade and Industry on 21 December 1999.[22]
15. We are astonished that the Foreign Office
did not raise any questions about the proposed Ilisu Dam and its
effect on the human rights of those living in the region. The
large-scale resettlement of a population, many of whom may well
question the very legitimacy of the Government which moves them
from their homes, must surely demand some detailed analysis from
the Foreign Office. We would expect comments on the necessity
of a genuinely transparent, free and fair consultation process;
discussion of the relation between the removal of communities
and drift to the towns on the one hand and on the other any conflict-related
tactics and military strategy of the parties to the conflict;
certainly an analysis of the human rights of the affected community
and the extent to which the building of the Dam could possible
infringe or affect them. We criticise the Foreign Office for failing
to raise these issues in detail with ECGD and DTI Ministers. More
generally, we recommend that the Foreign Office present an analysis
to ECGD of the human rights implications of every project for
which ECGD is considering cover.
16. Vivian Brown told the Committee of the three
ways in which ECGD considers human rights, "The first is
where human rights [abuses] lead to sanctions against countries,
when ECGD will not provide cover ... Secondly .. we make an assessment
of the creditworthiness of individual countries, which is looking
at a wide range of social as well as economic and political factors.
Human rights is undoubtedly one of the issues that we consider
when we decide whether or not we can provide medium term cover
for particular countries. Thirdly, when we are looking at individual
projects such as this one, we will try to take account of a whole
range of factors which influence the feasibility and viability
of that project".[23]
Whilst all these approaches are important, they fall short of
an acceptable position on human rights. Putting aside the exceptional
case of a sanctions regime, ECGD only considers human rights,
be it at country or project level, from the economic perspective
("creditworthiness", "feasibility", "viability").
We infer that if a project infringed or ignored human rights in
some way but appeared economically robust and sustainable, ECGD
would be prepared to grant cover. Of course, taking a longer-term
and wider perspective, human rights abuses could be said to render
any activity inherently unviable and unsustainable. The sad fact
is, however, that in the short to medium term human rights abuses
can readily coexist with profits and economic growth. The reason
to consider human rights is simply the fact that they are rights
- universal and non-negotiable.
17. ECGD should not provide cover for any project
which infringes the human rights of workers, local populations
or other affected persons. Furthermore, for projects in areas
where there is persistent human rights violation, ECGD should
consider whether such abuses render compliance with other conditions
(for instance, local consultation) impossible. We recommend a
clear commitment from ECGD to respect and protect internationally
agreed human rights in all its activity and for the United Kingdom
Government to press within the OECD for all export credit agencies
to agree a human rights policy.
18. We have, of course, been particularly interested
in whether and how DFID has been consulted during this period.
In a written answer Clare Short said that DFID was consulted "as
part of ECGD's wider Whitehall consultation in January 1999. We
commented on ECGD's terms of reference for an independent review
of environmental and resettlement impact reports produced by the
project sponsors. DFID has no engagement with Turkey other than
our support for emergency relief following the earthquake in August
and November 1999. We have therefore had no advisory input into
the Ilisu Dam project".[24]
This point was reiterated by Sir John Vereker, Permanent Secretary
of DFID, in an exchange during the Committee's inquiry into the
Departmental Report for 2000, "I think we have to ask where
the limits are even of a Department which is spreading its wings
as widely as ours in terms of where we can and should exert our
influence. I think we have to say in a country which is technically
an aid recipient, but it is an OECD member, it gets a miniscule
amount of resource transfer from my Department, it would be wrong
to suggest that my department has any significant influence there".[25]
He went on to say that the responsibility for advice on human
rights issues connected to the proposed Dam was with the Foreign
Office.[26]
19. The direct responsibility of DFID is the elimination
of poverty rather than a global monitoring of human rights - it
is reasonable to expect a view on human rights from DFID in those
countries where there is a DFID programme of any significance.
We are certainly not proposing that DFID invent a position on
human rights in Turkey where up to now it has not had occasion
to take a view. We should also consider, however, the general
question of ECGD's consultation of DFID prior to the approval
of cover. It appears obvious to us that ECGD should consult with
DFID on any project proposed in a country where DFID has a presence.
Only thus can we ensure that ECGD is not undermining with UK taxpayers
money the very work which another tranche of taxpayers' money
is supporting. When pressed as to whether this happened at the
moment, the Minister was rather unclear, "The answer is very
close cooperation".[27]
We recommend that all projects which ECGD considers for support
in countries eligible for official development assistance be referred
to DFID for an opinion on their developmental effect and consistency
with DFID's country strategy. It should not, however, be the case
that DFID simply becomes a rent-a-conscience for the rest of Whitehall.
ECGD itself should also have the expertise in house to assess
the developmental impacts of proposed projects and we recommend
that ECGD ensure that appropriate social, environmental and developmental
experts are employed for this purpose.
Corruption
20. We also touched briefly in evidence on a current
case in Lesotho in which Balfour Beatty is part of a consortium
now prosecuted for bribery in connection with the Lesotho Highlands
Water Project. The consortium, and Balfour Beatty, strenuously
deny the charges and we certainly do not pass any judgement on
the foundation or merit of the case against them. The trial does,
however, focus attention on ECGD's handling of corruption. In
DFID's position paper presented to the Review on ECGD's Mission
and Status the Department warned that "Corruption has a substantial
effect on development and on effective risk management. It is
also detrimental to honest UK businesses and therefore has a cost
to the UK economy".[28]
DFID notes that ECGD does make cover void if corruption by a UK
company is discovered and urges consideration of how ECGD can
bring greater focus to detecting cases of corruption in relevant
projects. They also "encourage ECGD to implement a black
listing system of UK companies found to have been involved in
corrupt practices in a court of law".[29]
21. John Weiss for ECGD did not think that they had
had in his experience any instances "of companies of whom
we have had allegations, or indeed proof, of corruption or bribery
that has led us to refuse cover".[30]
This is in our view a cause for concern. We plan to consider the
question of corruption more closely in a future inquiry. We do
not, however, think that simply looking for corruption in the
project being covered is adequate. It does not appear that a past
record for corruption does much to damage ECGD's assessment of
the track record and competence of a company applying for cover.
A conviction for corruption or bribery should have consequences
for future contracts, both to ensure such practice is not repeated
by the company concerned and to act as a deterrent to other companies
which might be considering similar practices. The World Bank has
a list of firms ineligible to be awarded a World Bank-financed
contract because they were found to have violated the fraud and
corruption provisions of their Procurement or Consultants Guidelines.
In the current version of the Listing, 36 of the 54 companies
listed are United Kingdom companies. In a recent written answer
the Minister of Trade said that "ECGD has no record of having
provided support to any of the firms on that List".[31]
This appears, however, not to be the result of any conscious blacklisting
but rather circumstance. We recommend that ECGD blacklist companies
convicted of bribery or corruption, at least those found on the
World Bank Listing of Ineligible Firms.
22. There remains the question of what to do when
a company seeking cover is being prosecuted for bribery or corruption.
There are obviously difficulties in that charges can be unfounded
or malicious, and in that in certain jurisdictions processes can
take an extremely long time. Simply to refuse cover in such circumstances
would obviously be unjust. As unjust would be the postponing of
a decision until the trial came to a conclusion - in such circumstances
the contract would invariably be won by a competitor. If, once
ECGD cover has been granted, the company concerned is found guilty
of corruption or bribery, we recommend that cover be void immediately.
Recent written answers made clear that ECGD is to introduce new
procedures to bring their practices into line with the OECD Bribery
Convention.[32]
We expect the issue also to be addressed in the conclusions of
the Review of ECGD's Mission and Status. We will consider the
adequacy of ECGD's new arrangements in the context of our current
inquiry into Corruption.
1 First Report from the International Development Committee,
Session 1999-2000, The Export Credits Guarantee Department - Developmental
Issues, HC 73 Back
2 Ibid.
para.5 Back
3 DTI
Press Release 'Byers Releases Reports on Ilisu Dam' 21 December
1999 Back
4
Sixth Report from the Trade and Industry Committee, Session 1999-2000,
Application for Support from ECGD for UK Participation in the
Ilisu Dam Project, HC 200 Back
5
See www.undp.org/rbec/pubs/nhdr97/summary/turkey.htm Back
6 'Stakeholders'
Attitudes to Involuntary Resettlement in the Context of the Ilisu
Dam Project, Turkey' Report to ECGD August 1999 para.3.1 [henceforth
referred to as the 'Morvaridi report'] Back
7
Morvaridi report para.3.6 Back
8
Morvaridi report para.3.6 Back
9
Morvaridi report para.8.0 Back
10
Morvaridi report para.5.1 Back
11
Morvaridi report para.8.0 Back
12
Henceforth known as 'ERM report' Back
13
ERM report para.1.1 Back
14
Fifth Special Report from the Trade and Industry Committee, Session
1999-2000, Government Observations on the Sixth Report from the
Trade and Industry Committee (Session 1999-2000), HC 482, Appendix
para.b Back
15 See
for example Human Rights Watch World Report 2000 pp.298-303; Amnesty
International Report 2000 pp.241-243; US Department of State Human
Rights Report for 1999 - Turkey Back
16
See Sixth Report from the Trade and Industry Committee, Session
1999-2000, Application for Support from ECGD for UK Participation
in the Ilisu Dam Project, HC 200, paras. 22-25; QQ.36-42 Back
17
Sixth Report from the International Development Committee, Session
1998-99, Conflict Prevention and Post-Conflict Reconstruction,
HC 55, paras.32-35 Back
18
Sixth Special Report from the International Development Committee,
Session 1998-99, Government Response to the Sixth Report from
the Committee, Session 1998-99: Conflict Prevention and Post-Conflict
Reconstruction, HC 840, p.v Back
19
QQ.23-24 Back
20
Q.10 Back
21
Official Report 13 June 2000 c594W Back
22
Official Report 5 June 2000 c108W-110W Back
23
Q.19 Back
24
Official Report 5 June 2000 c84W Back
25
International Development Committee Minutes of Evidence Thursday
9 May 2000 Q.77 Back
26
International Development Committee Minutes of Evidence Thursday
9 May 2000 Q.86 Back
27 Q.83 Back
28
Evidence p.42 Back
29
Evidence p.42 Back
30
Q.54 Back
31
Official Report 21 June 2000 c183W Back
32
Official Report 21 June 2000 c183W-184W Back