APPENDIX 4
Memorandum submitted by Christian Solidarity
Worldwide
On 23 July 1999 the Government of Sudan (GOS)
dropped 16 bombs in Lainya and six in the nearby town of Kaya
in the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) held region of Eastern
Equatoria. A local doctor working for the Norwegian Peoples Aid
(NPA), reports that days after these bombs civilians in the area
were vomiting blood. Since the bombing, a number of pregnant women
in the area have either been severely ill or have undergone the
"spontaneous abortion" of their babies. In addition
large numbers of goats, sheep, dogs and birds have died.
On 27 July 1999 a group of aid workers for the
UN's World Food Programme (WFP) workers (Ugandan, Sudanese and
British nationals) stopped for 45 minutes at a checkpoint in Lainya.
The WFP workers felt a burning sensation and began vomiting. They
were airlifted out of the area to Nairobi where they were treated
in hospital.
THE SYMPTOMS
Experts have said that some of the symptoms
were similar to mustard gas but stress that these weapons would
not retain their potency in the heat of Sudan.
Three weeks after this event Damien Lewis, an
investigative reporter with extensive prior experience of Chemical
Weapons issues travelled with a private team of American aid workers
with a military background to the area with logistical support
from CSW. Although the area was now largely depopulated the team
interviewed a number of the remaining eyewitnesses. The victims
describe watching "sticks of black objects" dropping
from the aircraft above their village. They describe thick white
gas or smoke as "thick and choking". One described the
smell as being like "rotting garbage burning"
Mr Lewis and his team found that the craters
were full of a viscous, bright red liquid and chemical scum. The
soil immediately round the craters was black. Any animal in contact
with the water in the crater died. Some 36 people had been hospitalised.
Reports from the hospitals and a medical team with Norwegian People's
Aid, who went into the area some six days after the bombing, confirm
that the symptoms began after day two with severe irritation to
the eyes, burning of the nose and the chest and throat. On day
three there followed skin irritation and respiratory problems,
then diarrhoea and vomiting of blood, followed by a body rash
and general itching. The latter symptoms lasted up to nine days.
The symptoms are typical of an arsenical blister agent called
Lewisite. At that time there had been two deaths.
From Oslo the Norwegian People's Aid issued
the following statement:
(We) "have confirmed beyond doubt earlier
reports that the government of Sudan used chemical bombs against
the civilian population of the towns of Lainya and Kaya on the
23 July 1999".[9]
One US nurse working with Norwegian Peoples
Aid after the event commented that:
"I can think of no explanation other than
a chemical attack that would result in so many people becoming
ill simultaneously with these type of symptoms.[10]
NB Samples taken from the field during the August
1999 trip by Mr Lewis personally
delivered and are being processed at the Chemical
and Biological Defence Establishment (CBDE) at Porton Down in
the UK, and the Finnish establishment VERFIN in Helsinki. We await
results.
THE NATURE
OF THE
WEAPONS
Characteristics of the attacked site enabled
three types of bombs to be identified:
1. Two areas showed depression of one to
two metres in diameter, two to three feet deep. Soon after the
impact there was no obvious effect on the soil however after two
days it reportedly turned black and the water in the pits turned
red. There was a foul odour more prevalent soon after the attack.
There was no damage to buildings, even in such close proximity
as 1 metre away.
2. The largest area was a crater three metres
in diameter and three to four feet deep. There was no change in
soil or water, however at least one piece of shrapnel 10 inches
long and four inches wide was found. Surrounding the crater was
an area 20-30 feet in diameter where all vegetation had been burned.
3. Three sites consisted of craters less
than 2 metres in diameter and two to three feet deep. There were
no soil or water changes, however there was minimal damage to
the grass nearby. A pungent odour present at the time of impact
was still detectable nine days later.
The UN responded by shutting down OLS (Operation
Lifeline Sudan) aid to the area. A UN WFP team was sent to the
area in order to investigate evidence for the use of chemical
weapons in the area. However before the team reached the area
it was instructed, without explanation, to abandon the mission
and was recalled to Nairobi. When the UN teams eventually arrived
in mid August, they concluded that they could not confirm the
above reports. Despite the fact that soil samples are vital to
investigation of Chemical Weapons, the UN team took none. They
then reported that they were unable to investigate the use of
Chemical Weapons because it was outside their mandate.[11]
There has to date been no official investigation
and the Aid agencies have been pulled out of the area. To our
knowledge local civilians have received no redress for their loss
of cattle and damage to the land, let alone for their suffering
and human loss. Without even an explanation, the international
Community remains silent.
THE UK GOVERNMENT
POSITION
When Channel 5 made a documentary on the subject
Foreign Office Minister, the late Derek Fatchett MP, issued a
statement concerning the incident:
"The British government continues to be
concerned by reports that Sudan may have, or may be attempting
to procure or develop, a chemical and biological weapons capability,
either for their own purposes or on behalf of another country
| Our ambassador to Sudan has raised our concerns with the Sudanese
authorities on a number of occasions. It would be helpful to Sudan
in clearing its name if it was to sign these conventions."
The questions to be asked surrounding the Lainya
and Kaya incident
1. The UN claims that it has no jurisdiction
to investigate these allegations. However the UN has previously
set up adhoc teams to investigate the use of Chemical Weapons
in Mozambique, Azerbaijan and Angola when credible evidence was
presented. Since the UN's own personnel were hospitalised as a
result of this event why has there been no investigation?
2. Why has the OPCW in The Hague not carried
out an inspection of the area? Within the terms of the Chemical
Weapons Convention a challenge investigation could be mounted
by any member state.
FURTHER EVIDENCE
When the SPLA troops captured GOS garrison in
Yambio and Rumbek in October 1998 they discovered a supply of
500 gas masks indicating an expectation for them of work in a
CBW (Chemical Biological Warfare) environment.
In May 1998 at a location near Keli, approximately
70 kilometres from Kurmuk a civilian suffered two days of blistering
having touched the soil where a GOS shell had exploded[12].
In the Nuba Mountains Christian Solidarity Worldwide
report that local military forces believe that there is a faction
of the GOS manufacturing Chemical Weapons in El Obeid. Local sources
suggested that a Chemical Weapon's factory was being built in
Kadugli.
In addition in the Nuba Mountains there have
been eyewitness accounts of Antanov bombers dropping shells which
produce smoke. Local doctors report that such bombs cause vegetation
to shrivel up and die. They also suggest that after such an attack
they have developed symptoms including respiratory difficulties,
in many cases leading to death.
US reports suggest that Sudan threatened Uganda
with Chemical Weapon strikes if they supported Black rebels.
In June 1999 a CSW team visiting Southern Blue
Nile interviewed a Prisoner of War. He had previously fought in
the GOS forces, having been press ganged into the army. He described
having seen soldiers handling weapons with masks and gloves in
government garrisons around Dore and Ulu. The team also spoke
to a local medic who had treated SPLA soldiers wounded in fighting
around Ulu and Dore by government artillery shells. They had suffered
from severe nosebleeds, fever, diarrhoea and a cough. Without
the appropriate laboratory facilities their condition could not
be diagnosed.
SUDAN AND
IRAQA DANGEROUS
PARTNERSHIP
The US Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional
Warfare[13]
points out that much of the concern for Iraq's chemical weapon
should centre on Sudan and Libya where research suggests that
much of Iraq's Weapons of Mass Destruction are housed. This assertion
formed the basis of a channel 5 documentary by Damien Lewis in
September 1998 entitled "Exporting Evil: Saddam's Hidden
Weapons". The credibility of his findings was substantially
bolstered by the ITC's (Independent Television Commission) decision
to uphold Mr Lewis's findings against a complaint by the British-Sudanese
Public Affairs Council. (A copy of their report is available)
"The transfer of Iraqi WMD overseas started
even before the outbreak of the Gulf War. Back in 1990 when Baghdad
realised that Iraq would be subjected to intense bombing key sensitive
elements were smuggled out. In Spring 1991 a second round of hasty
smuggling took place. Essentially the core of the next generation
projects of the Iraqi WMD programs was moved to safe havens .
. . Sudan needs WMD in order to hit the Black rebels in the south
and deter Western intervention against the Islamist terrorism
empire. Hence Iraq found eager and willing partners for its efforts
to circumvent the world's campaign against WMD."[14]
This report (a copy of which is available from
CSW) by the above US intelligence group catalogues the Iraqi development
of Chemical Weapons and Weapons of Mass Destruction in Sudan over
the past 10 years. In addition to consistent exports of Chemical
Weaponry and Weapons of Mass Destruction the report tells of the
Factories which have been built with Iraqi intelligence and funding
in the GOS held towns of Wau, Kadugli and, during 1999, Kafuri
and Mayu.
"The Wau facility gave Khartoum the capability
of using "home grown" mustard gas against the rebels,
thus not implicating its allies in chemical warfare . . . towards
the end of 1995 Iraqi technicians were able to develop a crude
but reliable delivery system of mustard gas."[15]
"In May 1997 Iraq began to transfer to Sudan
equipment and materials for the production of weapons of mass
destruction."[16]
CONCLUSION
This report coupled with the first hand evidence
from CSW and other NGOs illustrates the dangers of the Chemical
Weaponry within Sudan. This research suggests that the Kaya and
Lainya incident may only represent the tip of the iceberg in Sudan.
There is surely sufficient evidence to warrant an international
investigation, particularly as peace remains illusive. May we
take this opportunity to urge the Foreign Affairs Committee to
pursue a comprehensive enquiry. The International Community must
be vigilant.
9 Norwegian People's Aid, 2 August 1999, "Confirmed
chemical bombing in Southern Sudan", as posted on Relief
Web. www.reliefweb.int, version current on 14 December 1999. Back
10
Applied Science and Analysis, Inc Newsletter 99-6 31 December
1999 issue 75, Damien Lewis. Back
11
NB any UN investigation into this incident would have to be made
by the Hague based organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons (OPCW) but such an investigation requires the request
of a member state. Back
12
Christian Solidarity Report, May 1998. Back
13
Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, US House of
Representatives, Washington, DC 20515, The Iraqi WMD Challenge,
Myths and Reality, Bodansky. Back
14
ibid Page 6. Back
15
ibid Page 6. Back
16
ibid Page ?. Back
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