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Mr. Laurence Robertson: I am grateful to the Minister for showing his customary courtesy in giving way. His remarks form the thrust of what I am saying. Will the Minister reject what the county council is saying locally? He has referred to the broad-brush approach of the inspector, but the building of houses on the green belt and in the open countryside was promoted. That is why the report is contradictory and flawed.

Mr. Raynsford: I cannot comment on such details. However, a county council that has had a long time to consider the matter clearly must consider all the evidence

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before it reaches a view. It would be surprising if--having come to the view a little while ago that it was to recommend 53,000--the council now, according to the hon. Gentleman, is suggesting 50,000. I am not sure what the basis for that is, and I cannot comment. However, it is in the interests of all concerned that the plan reaches adoption as soon as possible because we cannot allow the situation--which the hon. Gentleman described as a farce--to go on much longer.

In conclusion, the way forward lies in building on the positive options for meeting housing requirements and protecting the countryside. There is much more common ground than is sometimes acknowledged. Everyone wants to see as much land recycling as possible, and more use of brown-field sites. Everyone wants to see more sustainable patterns of development. Everyone wants to protect the countryside and to help to regenerate our urban areas.

We are conscious of the need to improve the renovation of existing homes. That is why we have increased investment through the capital receipts initiative, and why we have given particular focus to the home improvement agencies that operate locally to advise home owners on their scope for getting grants and assistance to improve their homes. We want to do more to encourage the regeneration of existing homes and the improvement of existing properties.

Everyone wants to ensure that people are properly housed. What we are trying to do is to develop an agenda as pro-actively as possible, and there is a great deal more work to be done in this field. We have a full programme of revising the relevant planning policy guidance notes. We have now published--

Mr. Deputy Speaker (Mr. Michael Lord): Order. We now come to the next debate.

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Colombia

1.30 pm

Mr. Paul Goggins (Wythenshawe and Sale, East): A few weeks ago, in February, I visited Colombia as a member of an international delegation that included parliamentarians from seven European countriesand representatives of Catholic non-governmental organisations based in Europe and north America. The visit was arranged by the Colombian Catholic Bishops Conference. I was nominated by the Catholic Fund for Overseas Development, the official Catholic aid agency for England and Wales, and an appropriate entry has been made on the register.

My hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Mr. Browne) was also on the delegation, nominated by the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund. The purpose of the delegation was to witness at first hand the circumstances of the people of Colombia and to pay special attention to issues of human rights. We were also asked to monitor the impact of recent attempts by the Colombian president, Andres Pastrana, to initiate a new peace process.

I appreciate the opportunity to bring to the attention of the House some of the issues that were raised during our visit. Colombia is a complex place, full of paradoxes. It is a beautiful country, rich in natural resources, yet it is scarred by the effects of an internal armed conflict that has lasted for 40 years. It has an impressive economic record, yet more than half its people live in poverty.

On paper, Colombia is a model democracy, but in reality it is one of the most violent societies in the world. With a population of 35 million, it is estimated that, last year alone, more than 30,000 people were murdered. The majority of the killings resulted from street violence and delinquency but a substantial number were a result of the armed conflict.

There are two main guerrilla groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, known as the FARC, and the National Liberation Army, or the ELN. They have been fighting successive Governments since the 1960s. In addition, there is the United Self Defence Groups of Colombia, an umbrella organisation of right-wing paramilitary groups, led by Carlos Castano. All three have substantial resources, derived in large part from drug trafficking. The state forces, ill equipped and largely conscripted, are simply unable to control them. The situation is further complicated by strong evidence of collusion between the paramilitaries and state forces.

The main victims of the armed conflict, much of which takes place in remote rural areas, are the people who have been displaced, forced to flee from their homes because of the violence. The images of the ethnic Albanians forced to flee Kosovo are fresh in our minds and have disturbed and angered us all. The experience of the displaced people of Colombia is also a shocking story. It is estimated that more than 1 million have been displaced by the violence in the past 10 years. The Colombian Government are more cautious about the figures, but they accept that about 350,000 people have been displaced in the past three years.

Members of the delegation visited several towns and cities in the north and north west of Colombia. Some went to Barrancabermeja and Cartagena. I was with the group

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that visited Medellin and Quibdo. Quibdo is in a department called Choco, an area rich in natural resources such as gold, silver and platinum. Importantly for the paramilitary and guerrilla forces, it also includes the strategically important gulf of Uraba, which provides a route in for arms and out for drugs.

With a population of about 30,000, Quibdo is the temporary home of four communities of displaced people, numbering 2,000 altogether and including 600 families. I met 400 of them--men, women and children--in a disused basketball stadium that had been their home for 27 months. Their mattresses and belongings were scattered around the areas where once spectators had cheered on their local team. In the time that we spent with them, we heard their testimony and witnessed, through a deeply moving dramatic presentation enacted by members of the community, exactly how the paramilitaries had forced them to flee.

The impact of displacement is unspeakable. It traumatises those involved. Family and community structures break down and people are left to live in deep poverty and insecurity. In theory, Colombian law 387 gives displaced people a right to health care, housing and education. In reality, the displaced people of Quibdo have been abandoned by both the local and the national authorities. Fortunately, they at least survive, thanks to the humanitarian support provided by the local church and international NGOs. In fact, much of the funding for that work comes from the European Union.

Some displaced people have formed themselves into what are known as communities of peace. They provide a neutral zone; their members are unarmed and do not support any of the military groups. They are a living symbol of what Colombia could be like if the war were brought to an end. It is pleasing to note that the peace communities have received financial support from our own Department for International Development.

The peace communities are under increasing attack, in particular from the paramilitaries, who accuse them of being in sympathy with the guerrillas. On Sunday 4 April, 10 men armed with guns and grenades walked in to the community of San Jose de Apartado and assassinated three of its members. In the past two years, more than 50 of its members have been brutally murdered in similar fashion.

Last Wednesday, 7 April, 12 members of the peace community of San Francisco de Asis were kidnapped by the paramilitaries. On the following two days, the bodies of 11 of the kidnap victims were found. Some showed signs of torture; some had had their throats cut. Other communities face similar experiences. In Barrancabermeja, 10 people were killed only a week after we left. I learned only this morning that a further nine people were murdered there last week. For those left behind, there is fear, insecurity and often further displacement.

It is extremely worrying that those in the church and the NGOs who support communities of displaced people are also being accused by the paramilitaries of collusion with the guerrillas. Their staff are increasingly targeted and threatened. Some organisations have reported that they are being forced to limit the humanitarian assistance that they give.

The killings are not one-sided. The FARC and the ELN continue to carry out appalling atrocities, including the recent murder of three Americans working in support of

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a community of indigenous Indians: a group that has been badly hit by the violence. This Monday, an internal flight to Bogota was hijacked and the 46 people on board kidnapped. According to the latest information that we have, six hostages have been released but the rest are still missing. It is alleged that the action was carried out by the ELN. Every murder and kidnap of innocent civilians that takes place as a result of the armed conflict is wrong and should be condemned.

It is easy to be depressed about the level of violence in Colombia and the plight of the displaced people, but we should recognise that there are signs of hope. The strongest cause for optimism is the dignity and bravery of ordinary people, many of whom take extraordinary risks in the pursuit of justice and peace.

In a 1997 referendum, 10 million Colombians voted in favour of what is called the peace mandate. The Catholic Church has established the National Commission for Conciliation, a high-profile body dedicated to finding an end to the conflict. Crucially, last summer Colombia elected a new president, Andres Pastrana, who has dedicated himself to the peace process.

Despite many obstacles and set backs, President Pastrana is striving to develop a dialogue with the FARC and the ELN. He has introduced a new military penal code to strengthen the integrity of the state forces and to break the connection with the paramilitaries. He has taken steps to strengthen the protection of human rights workers and backed measures to reduce the alarmingly high levels of impunity.

In an address that President Pastrana gave to the United Nations in January, he said:


President Pastrana has also announced Plan Colombia--a $3.5 billion strategy aimed especially at supporting new, sustainable livelihoods in the most remote areas of Colombia. Tackling poverty must be high on the Colombian Government's agenda; as we heard on many of our visits, there can be no peace without justice, and there can be no justice while the gap between rich and poor remains so large. In his ambitious strategy for national renewal and reconciliation, President Pastrana seeks and deserves the support of the international community. However, he must demonstrate that he can turn his fine words into reality.

I want to use the opportunity of this debate to ask my hon. Friend the Minister to make urgent representations to the Colombian Government with regard to displaced people and those who work in support of them. I ask him to remind President Pastrana of the commitments that he made in Geneva to take "emergency actions" and to "ensure lasting solutions". I ask my hon. Friend to prevail on the Colombian Government to guarantee the safety of unarmed civilians who live within communities of displaced people and of the staff of the NGOs and the church who are providing humanitarian aid.

Although I applaud the sincere efforts of President Pastrana to move along the road of peace, the guarantee of basic human rights cannot be separated from that search.

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I hope that the president will make a breakthrough in his dialogue with the guerrillas, but true peace will come only when the ordinary people of Colombia can lead their lives without fear of murder, kidnap and displacement.

Of course we must also take action ourselves. I urge the Government to do all that they can to reduce the flow of arms to the guerrillas and paramilitary forces in Colombia. Most of those arms are made in, and sold from, the developed world. In addition, we must redouble our efforts to tackle cocaine and heroin abuse. The demand for those drugs in our country ultimately funds the war in Colombia.

I urge the Government to continue to support the work of NGOs in Colombia. During my visit, I felt extremely humble in the presence of so many people who take personal risks every day in the pursuit of justice and peace. They deserve our affirmation and encouragement. It is important that we continue to fund projects that not only give humanitarian assistance, but enhance the capacity of local communities to participate fully in the search for peace.

It was clear from what we heard during our visit that the British ambassador in Bogota has already earned considerable respect during the short time that he has been there. He promised that he would visit Quibdo and find out about the plight of the displaced people there. I hope that, in due course, my hon. Friend the Minister will be able to report on the ambassador's visit and on any action taken as a result. Given the assurances made by Mr. Thorpe when we met him, I am sure that he will already be responding to the deteriorating situation in the Choco region. Again, I urge my hon. Friend to impress on our ambassador the importance of UK involvement in initiatives that support the peace process.

I know that there are no easy answers to the conflict in Colombia, but I also know that the vast majority of people in Colombia want peace and it is our responsibility to do whatever we can to support them. The people of Colombia left a deep impression me, as I suspect that they did on my hon. Friend when he visited them. In that spirit, I look forward with great interest to his response.


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