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The Prime Minister: No, he has not, he says. Well, he could have fooled me. We are to protect, are we, the thousand years of British history for the next Parliament but not the one after? This is the fourth position that the right hon. Gentleman has had on the issue since the election. In May 1997, he said that he was
- "against the single currency in principle."
- "we intend to oppose it at the next election".
- "I don't think it's necessary to say we are against it in principle."
I shall deal with some of the points that the right hon. Gentleman made. The whole purpose of the national changeover plan is to make the preparations necessary to allow us to make a choice. If we do not make those preparations, we will not be in a position to make the choice. As he has just told me that he does not rule out joining, he would be in the same position but at a later stage. It is important to try to do what is right for this country's interests. The right hon. Gentleman says that we are going to push people into it, but we have made it clear that there will be a referendum and people will have the ultimate choice. However, to allow them to be in the position to make that choice, especially with the euro now a reality, it is important that we make those preparations.
I believe that the expenditure is right, in order to prepare us for the euro. The Chancellor pointed out to me that the expenditure will be somewhat less than the amount the Conservative Government lost in their exit from the exchange rate mechanism. However, we do not want to bring back those memories.
The truth of the matter is that the Conservatives said that it would not happen. They were wrong. They said that if it did happen, it would collapse. They were wrong. Now they say that, whatever the circumstances, our motto should be "be not prepared". Wrong again. They have been wrong on every major issue connected with this policy every time that they have opened their mouths. The ostrich strategy will simply not work.
Does the right hon. Gentleman understand that he is the first Tory leader in living memory to put himself on the opposite side from the CBI, the BBA, the British Chambers of Commerce and the City of London? We could even have the delicious irony of going into the next general election with the only fears on the financial markets being the prospect of a Tory election victory. That, I am afraid, is his contribution to the Conservative party, and he will rue the day he made it.
Mr. Paddy Ashdown (Yeovil):
There is a rule of thumb about Government statements in the House, which is that the longer the statement, the more opaque the policy. That is a bit of what we heard earlier. I am reminded of a comment from a Minister earlier today when he was asked whether entry was a matter of when or if. He said that the Government's policy was that the two words are now interchangeable. I do not know precisely what that means.
The statement was very significant. Is not the truth simply that today the Government have crossed the Rubicon in favour of the euro? I greatly welcome that, even though the Government have crossed the Rubicon only by the tiniest millimetre. I welcome it even though the Government are trying to pretend that they have not crossed the Rubicon. I welcome it because now the Government will have to defend their position--something that they have not done before.
The statement has two levels: the level that one sees, and the level that one is supposed not to see. The level that one sees is the perfectly sensible statement about measures to be taken in preparation for the euro. We welcome those measures, which are sensible, realistic and practical. I am glad that they will be debated and voted on in the House.
The level of the statement that we are not supposed to see is the continuation of the Government's policy of leadership by stealth. They move forward a millimetre at a time, but sooner or later they arrive at a point from which they cannot go back. That point has been arrived at today.
I have a question for the Prime Minister. Today he has been attacked by the Tories, and tomorrow he will be attacked by the Tory, Euro-sceptic press. Does he then leave the position undefended, or does he leave it to others--such as the CBI and the other organisations that he has just mentioned--to defend it for him?
All those organisations have shown more leadership on the issue than the Government, but the Prime Minister cannot leave it to them. The Government will have to defend their position: they can follow a policy of stealth, but they cannot win a referendum by stealth. Unless the Government are prepared to come forward and argue the case for the euro, they risk this decision, the most important that Britain has to face, being lost by stealth. [Hon. Members: "Hear, hear."] That response shows what that lot on the Conservative Benches want to happen. That is the policy that the Government are currently following.
Is it not a tragedy for Britain, as this country faces the most important decision that it will face in the next two or three decades, that the Government take the view that they want to join the euro but try to pretend that they do not, and that the Tories take the position that they want to get out of Europe but try to pretend that they do not?
I have a single, specific question for the Prime Minister, which will reveal his intentions. He has told us that he wishes there to be a referendum early in the next Parliament, which means that the necessary legislation must be passed in this Parliament. Does he understand that?
The Prime Minister:
First, I will try to take that as a statement in support, but it is a little unfair to accuse me of acting by stealth. After all, I am all here, in the House of Commons, making the statement. As for the referendum, the position is as we have set it out.
I shall deal head on with the basic criticism made by the right hon. Gentleman. There are three positions with regard to the euro--"no, never", "yes, now" and "yes, on condition". That last position is where we are now, and it is the right position to be in. It allows us to signal our intention, to set out the proper conditions, and to say what is necessary for the euro to work for the British national interest.
I believe that that balanced, sensible course sets a direction for this country, but it makes it clear that joining the euro must be in the national economic interest and it sets out the conditions for that. I surmise that, if we were in different positions and I was asking the right hon. Gentleman questions, he would probably agree that these economic conditions have to be met. When he reflects on the matter, he is probably in the same position as we are.
Mr. Martin O'Neill (Ochil):
Does my right hon. Friend agree that it was fair of the Leader of the Opposition to say that the position was unnecessary, expensive and time-consuming, but that the right hon. Gentleman was referring to his own position? The Tory position is unnecessary because people want to join the euro; it is expensive because the longer we stay outside,
The Prime Minister:
My hon. Friend makes the sensible point that it is absurd of the Conservative party--if what we have heard today is their official position--to say that it will rule out the euro in principle, but only for 10 years. That is an absurd position: one either rules out the euro in principle, or one sets out the conditions necessary for entry.
My hon. Friend is also right to say that the position of the Conservative party is contrary to our national interest in the sense that, unless we make the expenditure and the preparations, we cannot be in position to exercise the choice. We are not forcing business to spend money, but saying what it would be sensible to do if they wish to be in a position to take advantage of the single currency, should Britain join it. I think that that common-sense position will appeal to the vast majority of people in business.
Mr. Kenneth Clarke (Rushcliffe):
The Prime Minister will recall that I have on occasion been extremely critical of his and his Government's weasel words on EMU, whether they were in articles in The Sun or in statements to the House. Will he therefore accept that I welcome the marked change of tone represented by today's statement? In particular, I welcome the fact that he has reached agreement with representatives of the majority of British business on the practical steps that need to be taken if we are to give reality to the policy of prepare and decide.
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