APPENDIX 5
Evidence given to House of Representatives Committee
on Ways and Means by Treasury Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tax
Analysis John Karl Scholz
I am pleased to have the opportunity to discuss the Administration's
proposals to improve the earned income tax credit (EITC) and look
forward to working with the Committee on this issue.
The Administration is strongly committed to the goals of
the EITC and will oppose any proposals which reduce the EITC and
raise taxes on millions of working families who play by the rules.
The goals of the EITC are to make work pay and to lift workers
out of poverty in the most efficient and administrable manner
possible. With its message of "work pays," the EITC
helps reduce dependency on welfare and increase reliance on jobs.
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
AMONG LOW-WAGE
WORKERS
To understand the role of the EITC, a couple of facts about
the labor market for low-skilled workers in the United States
are useful.
There has been a striking drop in real wages for unskilled
workers, beginning in the 1970s and accelerating over the 1980s.
Between 1979 and 1992, the earnings of full-time male workers
who had not graduated from high school declined by more than 23
per cent in real terms. Among full-time male workers with a high
school diploma, real earnings fell by 17 per cent over the same
period.
This decline in the real wage for many unskilled workers
has serious implications. In the United States, it is still possible
for a family, containing a worker, to live in poverty. According
to the Census Department, there were 2.4 million persons, over
the age of 16, who lived in poverty and had worked year-round
at full-time jobs in 1995.
EFFECTIVENESS OF
EITC IN MAKING
WORK PAY
AND REDUCING
POVERTY
The ETC makes work pay in two ways. Unlike many assistance
programs for low-income families, the EITC is limited to working
families. Moreover, the credit amount initially increases - rather
than decreases - for each additional dollar of earnings. As a
consequence, the EITC is different from many low-income assistance
programs that are characterized by a reduction in benefits for
each additional dollar of earnings. In my work prior to coming
to Treasury, I - together with Stacy Dickert-Conlin and Scott
Houser - examined the net impact of the OBRA 1993 expansion of
the EITC on labor supply. We found that the EITC has a modest,
positive effect on labour supply by encouraging individuals to
enter the workforce. The EITC also directly increases the disposable
income of working families. According to the most recent Census
data, the EITC lifted 3.7 million persons out of poverty during
1995.
By making work pay, the EITC increases the probability that
some parents may enter the workforce and perhaps leave the welfare
rolls. The EITC, then, plays a key role in our efforts to reform
welfare.
ADMINISTERING THE
EITC THROUGH THE
TAX SYSTEM
The EITC achieves the goals of making work pay and relieving
poverty by reducing the tax liabilities of low and moderate-income
families. Thus, it is improper to characterize the EITC, as some
have done recently, as a "non-tax function" of the IRS.
The EITC was created and expanded to offset the overall tax burden
of low and moderate-income families and should not simply be measured
as an offset to income and SECA taxes. About 85 per cent of EITC
costs will offset the combined Federal tax burden of families
receiving the credit in 1998.
As these numbers suggest, EITC claimants are taxpayers. If
the EITC did not exist, almost all EITC filers would still file
an individual income tax return (in addition to paying payroll
and excise taxes), and the IRS would still have to process their
returns and verify much of the same information regarding their
filing status, number of children, and income. In 1998, about
69 per cent of EITC claimants will be required to file a tax return
because they have an individual income tax liability (before the
EITC), owe special taxes, have self-employment income in excess
of $400, or their gross income will exceed the filing threshold.
In addition, over 25 per cent of EITC claimants will file a tax
return in order to obtain a refund for overwithheld taxes paid
throughout the year.
Because most EITC claimants would be filing a tax return
even if the credit did not exist, the direct budgetary costs of
administering the EITC are significantly lower than if the credit
were provided through another means. The IRS cannot easily disentangle
the costs of administering one line on the Form 1040 from other
lines on the tax return, and we thus do not have estimates of
the costs of administering this particular tax provision through
the tax system. We can safely say, however, that the costs are
lower than those associated with certain government expenditure
programs. For example, in FY 1995, the food stamp program cost
$3.7 billion to administer, while AFDC administrative costs were
an additional $3.5 billion - nearly 14 per cent of the combined
costs of these two programs. For these administrative costs, the
AFDC program served, on average, about 4.9 million families in
a given month, while over 10 million households received food
stamps. By way of comparison, the entire IRS budget in FY 1995
was $7.6 billion, and the IRS served over 116 million individual
taxpayers and 15 million corporations.
Taxpayers also benefit from obtaining the EITC through the
tax system. Many low-income workers learn about the EITC when
they file a tax return to obtain a refund. By claiming the credit
on tax returns, EITC claimants do not have to take time off from
work to apply for the credit at a government office.
Not surprisingly, then, participation in the EITC tends to
be higher than many other assistance programs targeted to low-income
families. In my research prior to joining Treasury, I found that
80 to 86 per cent of those eligible received the credit in 1990.
This high participation rate is striking when compared to the
AFDC participation rate of 62 to 72 per cent and the food stamp
participation rate of 54 to 66 per cent. International comparisons
also confirm this finding. The United Kingdom has an EITC-like
program called the Family Credit. It is administered through the
transfer system and directed toward families with children. Official
estimates place the participation rate of the Family Credit at
around 50 per cent. Thus, both compared to cash and in-kind transfers
in the United States and comparable work-related benefits in the
United Kingdom, the EITC is much better at reaching those who
are eligible for the credit.
Notwithstanding these benefits, there are costs associated
with operating the EITC, as with other tax provisions, through
the tax system. A system based largely on self-assessment will
have lower administrative costs than a more bureaucratic approach,
but it will also lead to higher noncompliance. Many of us were
very concerned when EITC compliance data, from the 1980's, first
became available. The Taxpayer Compliance Measurement Program
(TCMP), last conducted in 1988, showed that 35.4 per cent of the
EITC claimed ($2 billion) exceeded the amounts to which taxpayers
were eligible.
But the same TCMP also places the problems of the EITC in
perspective. Last April, the IRS released a study, based on the
1988 TCMP, showing that the gross individual income tax gap in
1992 was between $93.2 and $95.2 billion. The IRS estimated that
the total "true" individual income tax liability was
between $550.2 and $552.3 billion for tax year 1992. Over 40 per
cent ($39.1 to $39.9 billion) of the gross tax gap for 1992 was
attributable to the underreporting of business income (including
self-employment income, partnership income and rents and royalties).
About 20 per cent ($18.1 to $18.7 billion) of the gross tax gap
was due to the underreporting of non-business income. Over 14
per cent ($13.5 to $13.8 billion) of the gross tax gap was due
to persons who failed to file tax returns. These problems exceed
any noncompliance problems associated with the EITC.
Nonetheless, the Administration and Congress have recognized
that the EITC can best meet its goals - of making work pay and
lifting families out of poverty - by ensuring that only those
who are eligible and deserving receive the credit. Congress took
a first step in this direction during the consideration of OBRA
1990, when data from the 1985 TCMP became available. The TCMP
data suggested that EITC errors were linked to complicated and
unverifiable support and household maintenance tests. OBRA 1990
replaced the support and household maintenance rules for EITC
eligibility with simpler age, residency, and relationship tests,
lowered the age requirement for reporting a taxpayer identification
number for EITC qualifying children, and created a separate schedule
to claim the EITC.
This Administration, with the support of Congress, has taken
17 additional legislative and administrative actions to further
improve the targeting and operations of the credit. First, Congress
has enacted stricter reporting requirements proposed by the Clinton
Administration, and the IRS has tightened enforcement of these
requirements. Since 1995, the IRS has transcribed the social security
numbers of all EITC qualifying children and most dependents, and
it has intensified its examination of returns with missing social
security numbers. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
Reconciliation Act of 1996 (the welfare reform act) contains a
Clinton Administration proposal which will enable the IRS to use
the simpler and more cost-efficient mathematical error procedures
to deny both the EITC and dependent exemptions to taxpayers who
fail to provide valid social security numbers. As a consequence
of the Uruguay Round Agreement Act of 1994, taxpayers will also
be required to provide social security numbers for all dependents
and EITC qualifying children without regard to their age on their
1997 tax returns.
Other reporting requirements have also been strengthened.
The Uruguay Round Agreement requires the Department of Defense
to report to both the IRS and military personnel nontaxable earned
income used in the computation of the EITC. The 1996 welfare reform
act also authorizes the IRS to treat the omission of self-employment
taxes as a mathematical error, if the taxpayer claims eligibility
for the EITC on the basis of self-employment income.
The IRS, with the support of Congress, has also intensified
scrutiny of "questionable" EITC claims and preparers.
For the last several years, the IRS has conducted studies of EITC
compliance and has used this information to better identify questionable
returns. In addition, the IRS increased scrutiny of electronic
return originators (EROs), instituted fingerprint and credit checks
on certain new ERO applicants, and eliminated the direct deposit
indicator.
Finally, the Administration has consistently supported provisions
that would simplify the EITC, opposed provisions that would add
significant complexity to the EITC, and has striven to ensure
that EITC reforms can be administered. In 1993, the Administration
proposed the repeal of two supplemental credits (for children
under the age of one and for the purchase of health insurance
for qualifying children), arguing that the IRS could not enforce
the eligibility criteria for them, and these supplemental credits
were subsequently repealed. In 1995, the Administration opposed,
on administrative grounds, proposals to base EITC eligibility
on child support payments and hours of work. The Administration's
proposal to deny the EITC to undocumented workers, included in
the welfare reform Act, was also designed in a manner which could
be administered by the IRS.
ANALYSIS OF
EITC COMPLIANCE STUDY
FOR TAX
YEAR 1994
The combined effects of these efforts cannot be fully measured
at this time, since several key steps did not take effect until
the 1997 filing season and another step - the requirement that
all children, regardless of their age, have a social security
number - will not be fully implemented until the 1998 filing season.
Today's hearing, nonetheless, has been called in response to the
recent release of new IRS data on EITC noncompliance for tax year
1994.
The Criminal Investigation (CI) Division of the IRS conducted
this study of compliance among 2,046 taxpayers who claimed the
EITC on tax returns filed and accepted by the IRS between January
15 and April 21, 1995. CI Special Agents visited a random sample
of EITC claimants, shortly after they filed their paper or electronic
tax returns. Taxpayers (and often their employers, tax return
preparers, family members, and neighbours) were interviewed at
length and asked to produce verification that they met the EITC
eligibility criteria. While the Special Agents made initial judgments
about the legitimacy of the EITC claim, these judgments were reviewed
- and sometimes changed - in subsequent review by Examination
staff who had access to other sources of independent information
(such as the Forms W-2 and 1099 sent by employers and other payers).
The study found that of the $17.2 billion claimed in EITC
between January and April 1995, $4.4 billion, or 25.8 per cent
of total EITC claimed, exceeded the amount to which taxpayers
were eligible. The overclaim rate among EITC claimants was slightly
higher among paper filers (26.1 per cent) than for electronic
returns accepted by the IRS (25.3 per cent). Noncompliance was
found to be much higher among filers who claim EITC qualifying
children than for those EITC claimants without qualifying children.
Among those who claimed EITC qualifying children, the overclaim
rate was 26.1 per cent, while the overclaim rate was 15.7 per
cent for those who did not reside with a qualifying child. IRS
enforcement practices, in place during the 1995 filing season,
reduced the estimated net overclaim rate from 25.8 per cent to
23.5 per cent If the IRS had been able to treat a taxpayer's failure
to provide valid social security numbers for EITC qualifying children
over the age of one as a mathematical error on 1994 tax returns,
the net overclaim rate would have been reduced further, to an
estimated 20.7 per cent.
While EITC noncompliance remains at unacceptably high levels,
the study's results do show significant improvement since the
late 1980s, the last time that the IRS examined a comparable group
of taxpayers as part of the TCMP. The improvement in EITC compliance
since 1988 reflects the implementation of many, but not all, of
the steps described earlier.
To better understand the remaining sources of noncompliance,
we have conducted an analysis of the data. We have found that
the most common EITC error is caused by taxpayers claiming qualifying
children who do not reside with them for over half the year. Among
taxpayers with children, such errors account for about 39 per
cent of overclaimed EITC amounts. Under current law, taxpayers
are required to reside with their qualifying children for at least
six months or a full year, depending on the relationship of the
child. Taxpayers fail the residency test for many different types
of reasons. For example, divorced parents who share the custody
of their children might both claim the EITC because they both
feel the child lived with them for over half the year. At the
other extreme, a taxpayer may claim a child with whom he or she
has never resided.
A second common error is due to misreporting of filing status
among married taxpayers. Filing status errors account for about
31 per cent of overclaimed EITC amounts among taxpayers with children.[38]
Sometimes, separated couples do not understand that they must
still file as married persons if they have not yet obtained a
legal separation. In other cases, married couples, who are still
living together, do not file either a joint return or a "married
filing separate" return.
The third most common error results from complicated living
arrangements. In such situations, a child lives with more than
one adult who appears qualified to claim him or her for EITC purposes.
However, about 18 per cent of overclaimed EITC amounts result
when, in such households, the caregiver with the lower AGI claims
the child. In some cases (although it is difficult to quantify),
the other caregiver was, in fact, qualified to claim the EITC
but did not. The study does not account for the offsetting errors
which occur because the taxpayer's relative, with the higher AGI,
did not claim the EITC when he or she was eligible.
Even among EITC claimants without qualifying children, many
errors are caused by the misreporting of family structure. Among
these taxpayers, about 40 per cent of overclaims are attributable
to the misreporting of filing status among married taxpayers.
However, most errors among EITC claimants without qualifying children
are due to the misreporting of income.
While we can identify the sources of EITC errors in this
study, we do not know from the study the extent to which the EITC,
itself, is the root cause of the noncompliance on the part of
the taxpayers. By misreporting filing status, child dependents,
and income, taxpayers may be able to reduce their tax liability
through other provisions in addition to the EITC. Because this
study focused only on EITC claimants, it does not isolate the
effect of the EITC on noncompliance, or the extent to which higher
income taxpayers are benefiting from misreporting their income
or family circumstances.
The study does provide evidence that the refundable nature
of the credit does not induce ineligible individuals to enter
the tax system simply to claim the credit. As I have discussed,
95 per cent of EITC claimants have a reason other than the EITC
to file a return. The overclaim rate among those with a positive
pre-EITC tax liability is nearly three times larger than the rate
among those who did not have a tax liability. The data thus suggest
that noncompliant EITC claimants do not enter the tax system merely
to claim the credit.
While the results of this study are not fully applicable
to the current EITC, the study does point to the need for new
approaches. Many types of EITC errors are difficult to detect
with the current IRS enforcement tools, such as matching of information
reports and Social Security Administration records to tax returns.
Our proposals are designed to provide the IRS with new tools to
identify erroneous EITC claims while minimising additional administrative
costs to the Federal government.
LEGISLATIVE AND
ADMINISTRATIVE PROPOSALS
The Treasury Department's eight-point plan contains six legislative
proposals and two administrative actions. These proposals will
help reduce EITC errors by increasing IRS's ability to detect
errors before EITC refunds are paid out, by imposing new, more
effective penalties on EITC claimants, and by reducing the risk
of unintentional errors by law-abiding taxpayers.
PROPOSALS TO
IMPROVE THE
FLOW OF
INFORMATION PRIOR
TO RELEASE
OF EITC CLAIMS
Due diligence requirements for preparers - About half of
earned income tax credit (EITC) claimants use a paid preparer
to complete their income tax returns. As a consequence, tax preparers
can play a key role in helping working families file accurate
tax returns. While there is little significant difference among
returns prepared by the taxpayer and those prepared by a paid
preparer, the error rate does differ depending on the type of
preparer consulted by the taxpayer. Noncompliance was much lower
among taxpayers who went to a preparer who was either a certified
public accountant, lawyer, enrolled agent, or a representative
of one of the large nationally-recognised organisations. It was
higher among those who sought other types of preparers.
Under our proposal, the responsibilities of paid preparers,
with respect to potential EITC claimants, would be clarified.
Preparers who do not fulfil certain due diligence requirements
would be subject to cash penalties ranging from $50 to the full
amount of an EITC overclaim. The proposed penalties would be in
addition to the penalties imposed on preparers and taxpayers under
current law. The proposal would be effective for taxable years
beginning after 31 December 1997.
Recertification - When questions arise about EITC claims,
the IRS generally must follow deficiency procedures to determine
the accuracy of the taxpayer's return. While deficiency procedures
protect taxpayers' rights, they can be time-consuming and relatively
expensive when compared to the amount of tax at issue.
Under the proposal, a taxpayer who has been denied the EITC
as a result of deficiency procedures would be ineligible to claim
the credit in subsequent years unless he or she provides evidence
of his or her eligibility for the credit. To demonstrate current
eligibility, the taxpayer would be required to meet evidentiary
requirements established by the Secretary of the Treasury. Failure
to provide this information when claiming the EITC would be treated
as a mathematical or clerical error. If a taxpayer is recertified
as eligible for the credit, he or she would not be required to
provide this information in the future unless the IRS again denies
the EITC as a result of a deficiency procedure. Ineligibility
for the EITC under the proposal would be subject to review by
the courts. The proposal would be effective for taxable years
beginning after 31 December 1997.
Demonstration Projects - The Treasury Department is seeking
legislation permitting it to select four states to experiment
with alternative ways of providing the EITC throughout the year.
Under the proposal, the four states could provide advance payments
of the EITC to wage earners through state agencies rather than
employers for a three year period. States would be required to
verify eligibility for the EITC before paying out the credit.
Effects on advance payment participation and compliance would
be studied by Treasury. Applications would be submitted by the
states to the Treasury Department during 1998 for demonstration
projects to begin in January, 1999.
Earmarking of IRS Resources - Using information from the
EITC compliance studies and other ongoing pilot projects, the
IRS will continue to develop and use profiles of potentially erroneous
EITC claimants. These profiles will be used to identify questionable
EITC claims during the 1998 filing season. The IRS will expand
the number of questionable EITC claims that it investigates during
the 1998 filing season. Refunds associated with these claims will
be delayed until the investigation is complete. Out of its current
appropriations request, the IRS is earmarking 550 full time equivalent
staff persons for this intensified effort during the 1998 filing
season.
INCREASING THE
PENALTIES FOR
INTENTIONAL NONCOMPLIANCE
New Penalties for Intentional and Fraudulent Errors - Existing
civil penalties have a limited deterrence effect against ineligible
taxpayers repeatedly claiming the EITC. Denying subsequent eligibility
to claim the EITC to taxpayers who have recklessly, intentionally,
or fraudulently claimed the EITC in the past should help ensure
that only those who are eligible for the credit receive it.
Under the proposal, any person who fraudulently claims the
EITC would be ineligible to claim the EITC for a subsequent period
of ten years. In addition, any person who erroneously claims the
credit and such error is due to the reckless or intentional disregard
of rules or regulations would be denied eligibility for the EITC
for two subsequent years. The sanction under the proposal would
be in addition to civil and criminal penalties imposed under current
law. In addition, the sanction would be subject to review by the
courts. The proposal would be effective for taxable years beginning
after 31 December 1997.
Continuing Levy - The IRS does not generally find it cost-effective
to recoup overpayments of the earned income tax credit (EITC)
or impose monetary penalties on noncompliant claimants. To some
extent, these efforts are hindered by the exemption from levy
of certain types of income prevalent among EITC claimants. By
removing these exemptions, this proposal would make it more likely
that the IRS would recapture overpayments.
In our FY 1998 budget, the Administration proposed that certain
exemptions be partially lifted from the levy. Under the budget
proposal, Federal workers' compensation payments, annuity or pension
payments under the Railroad Retirement Act, and benefits under
the Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act would no longer be fully
exempted from levy. The proposal would change the exempt amount
of Federal wages, salaries, and other income to a flat 85 per
cent exemption. The proposal would provide for "continuous"
levy on non-means tested, recurring Federal payments.
Under the EITC initiative, unemployment benefits and means-tested
public assistance would no longer be fully exempted from levy
for any purpose. Up to 15 per cent of these benefits would be
subject to levy. The proposal would also provide for the option
of a "continuous" levy on these payments. Treasury would
work with affected Departments and state agencies to design the
mechanisms appropriate for each program. If necessary, conforming
changes would be made to the laws and regulations governing public
assistance to ensure that there would not be offsetting changes
in these benefits to compensate for the levy. The proposal would
apply to levies issued after 31 December 1997.
As under current law, taxpayers would be allowed to apply
for relief from a levy if they can demonstrate that they are suffering
significant hardship as a consequence.
REDUCE UNINTENTIONAL
ERRORS
Simplification of Foster Child Rule - Under current law,
a taxpayer is eligible to claim the earned income tax credit (EITC)
if he or she resides with a son, daughter, or grandchild for over
half the year. EITC qualifying children also include individuals
who reside with taxpayers for a full year and for whom the taxpayers
"care for as the taxpayers' own children". All EITC
qualifying children (including foster children) must either be
under the age of 19 (24 if a full-time student) or permanently
and totally disabled.
The foster child rule is confusing to both taxpayers and
the IRS. Clarifying the definition would eliminate unintentional
errors by taxpayers and provide better guidance to the IRS. In
addition, the definition of a foster child for EITC purposes would
be conformed to the dependency exemption definition proposed as
part of the Administration's simplification package.
Under the proposal, a foster child would be defined as a
child who (i) is under the age of 19 (24 if a full-time student),
(ii) is cared for by the taxpayer as if he or she were the taxpayer's
own child, and (iii) either is the taxpayer's niece, nephew, or
sibling or was placed in the taxpayer's home by an agency of a
state or one of its political subdivisions or a tax-exempt child
placement agency licensed by a state. The proposal would be effective
for taxable years beginning after 31 December 1997.
Improve Access to Taxpayer Assistance - In 1996, 1.9 million
low-income taxpayers received assistance preparing their tax returns
from over 47,000 volunteers in IRS-sponsored VITA (Volunteer Income
Tax Assistance) facilities. The IRS provides training materials
and tax forms to 8,300 sites. The IRS also provides software for
electronic filing and lends computer hardware to selected sites.
These VITA efforts will be continued and strengthened as part
of the Administration's commitment to volunteerism. The Treasury
Department is contacting businesses and tax professional organisations
to make sure that they are aware of the need for VITA volunteers,
computers, facility sites, and outreach assistance. By improving
access to free taxpayer assistance and electronic filing, these
efforts will help reduce the risk of unintentional errors.
This concludes my remarks. We look forward to working with
you toward the enactment of these provisions. Thank you once again
for providing me with the opportunity to testify. I would be pleased
to answer any questions that the Committee may have.
8 May 1997
38 Some taxpayers misreport their filing status and also claim children who did not reside with them. They are included in both error categories. Back
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