Select Committee on Scottish Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Dr Charles Jeffery (17 February 1998)

THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR GERMAN FEDERALISM

  The German federal system was established in the then West Germany in 1949. It forms a fundamental part (one of those which can never be overturned by constitutional legislation) of a constitutional order designed to deconcentrate political power after the experience of the Third Reich. Of the 141 articles of the German constitution (the Basic Law), over a third relate to the operation of the federal system. Many of these require supplementary legislation which fleshes out constitutional stipulations in, at times, rigorous and lengthy detail.

  The Scottish Parliament and the other units of devolved government in the UK under preparation or consideration will be established by normal statute. The UK constitutional order does not admit a "higher" quality of constitutional legislation or, therefore, the possibility of constitutional entrenchment. The devolution process is asymmetrical; different devolved units will have different powers, functions and status, and therefore different relationships with Westminster. These relationships are not extensively codified in the devolution proposals, and will largely emerge through practice and experience.

  Constitutional provisions and supplementary legislation thus set out a highly structured set of relationships between the federation (the various institutions of central, or federal government) and the 16 states, or Länder.

All the Länder have equal constitutional status under the Basic Law. In addition, they each have their own detailed constitutions which formally structure government within their territories.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DIVISION OF POWERS IN GERMAN FEDERALISM

(a) The Division of Legislative Competences

  The Basic Law states that residual power lies with the Länder, i.e., unless otherwise specified, governmental powers and functions are exercised by the Länder (Article 30). Areas "otherwise specified" are the exclusive legislative powers of the federation (Article 73), areas of concurrent legislation (Article 74), areas of federal framework legislation (Article 75) and joint responsibilities (Articles 91a-b). All else falls under the exclusive legislative power of the Länder.

  The Scotland Bill reserves legislative rights in certain policy fields for Westminster, leaving the residual power with the Scottish Parliament. The scope of the residual (or devolved) power is wide, though the list of reserved (and therefore devolved) powers may be revised.

  However, "all else" does not amount to much. The exclusive powers of the federation include foreign affairs, defence, citizenship, migration, currency, transport and communications and aspects of policing. Concurrent and framework legislation covers 37 separate legislative fields. Although the presumption of residual power of the Länder applies here, the federation has made extensive use of the possibility given in Article 72 of the Basic Law to claim the power to legislate in those fields. Article 72 sets out a "national interest" test, which justifies federal legislation wherever it is deemed necessary to maintain "equivalent living conditions" throughout the federation. The equivalence clause has been described as the "mission statement" of German federalism and has been invoked so extensively that there remains little scope for the Länder to legislate in the fields covered by concurrent or framework legislation.

  There is no provision for concurrent or otherwise mixed legislative responsibilities. Nor is there an overt requirement that the Scottish Parliament's legislation be shaped in regard to any notion of maintaining "equivalent" living conditions throughout the UK.

  The concern to maintain equivalence also underlay the joint responsibilities of Articles 91a-b (introduced in 1969-70), which allow federal participation in the joint planning and financing of a range of high expenditure policy fields originally the preserve of the Länder, but where the Länder were considered insufficiently able to guarantee the delivery of equivalent standards of public services across the federation.

  The net effect is that the residual power of the Länder in legislation now has a marginal scope, with exclusive legislative competences remaining only in aspects of policing, education, media regulation, regional economic policy, and local government structure.

  The different configuration of the residual power in the UK-Scottish relationships means that the legislative autonomy of the Scottish Parliament will be far more extensive than that of the German Länder.

(b) Administrative Competence

  The residual power also extends, though, to administration. Unless otherwise specified in the Basic Law, the Länder implement federal legislation with considerable discretion (Article 83). Federal administrative authorities exist only in areas covered by exclusive federal legislation (and even in some of these, administrative authority is delegated to the Länder).

  The Scottish Executive will be responsible for administering legislation in some fields of Westminster's reserved powers and/or in some EU matters.

  This principle of Länder administration has been far less subject to erosion by federal incursion than the residual power in legislation. Its scope has also widened more or less in proportion to the extent that the federation has taken on additional legislative competences since 1949. The relationship is a straightforward one—the more federal legislation, the more Länder administration—and establishes the primary division of competence between federation and Länder as a functional one with the federation responsible for most legislation and the Länder for administering most of that legislation.

  The primary division of power between Scotland and Westminster remains, though, separated legislative responsibility for their respective devolved and reserved policy fields.

(c) Länder Participation via the Bundesrat in the Federal Legislative Process

  This relationship has further implications concerning the role of the Bundesrat. The Bundesrat comprises representatives of the governments of the Länder (which have between three and seven votes roughly proportional to population size) and acts as the second chamber in the federal legislative process. It formally guarantees Länder participation in the federal legislative process (Article 50). In comparative terms it is a strong second chamber, possessing an absolute veto power over wide areas of federal legislation, and a suspensive veto over the remainder. Aside from constitutional legislation, the absolute veto typically applies to bills which affect the Länder in their administrative role. This applies to roughly 60 per cent of all federal bills. The relationship noted above can therefore be extended: the more federal legislation, the more Länder administration, the greater the scope of the Bundesrat absolute veto.

  No formal point of access for the Scottish Parliament or Executive in the Westminster legislative process is foreseen. The scope of the role of Scottish Westminster MPs, which will no doubt develop strong informal links with the Scottish Parliament, is an area of some controversy and may be reduced in the future. Current proposals on House of Lords reform have not extended to discussion of a Bundesrat model, though such a concept occasionally surfaces as a longer term consideration in the wider constitutional reform debate the present government has set in motion.

(d) The Länder and EU Policy

  The constitutional division of power outlined above was established and developed in a domestic political context. It became skewed as the scope of European-level competence with direct effect in the member states of the EU widened, especially after the mid-1980s. European policy was regarded as foreign policy and as a preserve of the federation even though both the process of transferring sovereignty and the subsequent exercise of transferred sovereign powers by European institutions eroded both the legislative and administrative competences of the Länder. Given the privileged access of the federal government to the European-level decision-making process—most notably in the Council of Ministers—this was accompanied by a de facto transfer of competence from Länder to federation.

  Relations with the EU are a reserved power of the UK parliament and government. It is, though, recognised in all the current proposals for establishing devolved units that the exercise of devolved powers necessarily requires some form of access to the EU policy process.

  After a protracted campaign, the Länder secured a number of constitutional amendments in 1992 which addressed these problems. Essentially they extended the rights and role of the Länder and in domestic politics to European policy matters (Articles 23 and 50). The most significant aspects of these rights, which are formally exercised through the Bundesrat, are:

    (b)   that a Bundesrat-nominated Länder representative leads the German delegation in the Council in discussion of matters "essentially" affecting exclusive legislative competences of the Länder.

  In the case of Scotland, the level of access under consideration is the highest, extending from Scottish Parliament scrutiny of EU legislative proposals, through (as yet unspecified forms of) co-ordination between the UK government and the Scottish Executive on EU matters affecting areas for which the Scottish Parliament is responsible, to Scottish Executive Ministers speaking for the UK in Council of Ministers meetings.

Excursus: The Role of the Länder Parliaments

  As these forms of division of power have evolved over the postwar period, they have had a major impact on the institutional relationship between parliament and executive within the Länder. Put simply, the Länder parliaments have become less important as the scope of the exclusive legislative competences of the Länder has narrowed. Conversely, the Länder governments have become much more important in proportion to:

    (a)   the widening of the Länder competence administering federal law (for which the executive branch in the Länder is responsible);

    (b)   the consequently increased significance of the Bundesrat veto in the federal legislative process (given that the Bundesrat is composed of Länder governments); and

    (c)   the more recent embedding of the Bundesrat in EU policy-making.

  The Länder parliaments have no direct oversight over the administrative role of the executive; nor do they have direct input into Bundesrat decision-making in domestic or European matters. This raises concerns that government action in the Länder is insufficiently accountable and poses questions about the efficacy of citizen participation in parliamentary elections in the Länder.

  The precise nature and balance of relationships between Parliament and Executive in Scotland will remain fluid until the new devolved arrangements have bedded in. There are certainly areas in which the Executive's work will develop away from direct parliamentary scrutiny (in the administration of Westminster legislation, and in co-ordination with the UK government on EU matters). However, the main feature of devolution to Scotland—the separation of legislative powers between the UK and Scotland—will invest the Parliament with a central role and place significant barriers before the development of an executive preeminence analogous to that in the German Länder. One can expect a much clearer sense of accountability of decision-making than in Germany. This may be conducive to high levels of citizen interest and participation in the work of the Scottish Parliament.

(e) Adjudicating Disputes over the Division of Powers

  In any system of decentralised government there will be disputes over the division of powers. Binding adjudication of disputes is provided by the Federal Constitutional Court, which is independent of both federation and Länder and is the highest legal authority in Germany. Given the legal complexities of the division of powers in the federal system it has frequently been called upon to resolve disputes. While its decisions have at times favoured the federation over the Länder and vice versa, each has accepted its authority without challenge. It has also used the adjudication process to develop a constitutional doctrine of federal "comity" which obliges all the institutions of the federal system to co-operate sincerely with one another to reach common understandings.

  The UK has no constitutional court, nor any tradition of independent adjudication of disputes between different tiers of government. German experience suggests that effective and authoritative formal mechanisms of conflict resolution are a vital prerequisite of the operation of a decentralised form of government. Given the UK constitutional doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, it remains to be seen what level of authority decisions of the adjudicating body proposed in the devolution legislation—the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council— will attain, and whether some conception of Scottish-UK "comity" can develop. These are arguably the areas in which the UK devolution proposals are at their vaguest and in need of fleshing out.


 
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Prepared 8 April 1998