DEBT RELIEF
INTRODUCTION
1. The International Development Committee agreed
in December 1997 to conduct an inquiry into debt relief which
would represent its first consideration of this issue, though
not its last. Unsustainable debt is often discussed only in
terms of its economic implications. We agree, however, with the
Chancellor of the Exchequer that "debt relief is a moral
issue"[1] rather
than simply an issue of economic development, and we recommend
that it be discussed in this context. We intend to monitor
further the progress of international debt relief efforts.
2. We invited interested parties to submit evidence
responding to the following issues:
(a) The terms and conditions of the Heavily Indebted
Poor Countries (HIPC) Debt Initiative and its progress to date.
(b) The policy of the United Kingdom on bilateral
and multilateral debt relief, including the Mauritius mandate.
(c) The process of debt negotiation and the question
of conditionality in debt relief.
3. We were grateful to receive a number of written
responses to this invitation, which proved extremely useful during
our deliberations, and which are published with the oral evidence[2]
or as Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence[3].
The Committee also thanks everyone who gave written or oral evidence
for their contribution to the inquiry. In particular we would
like to thank Rt Hon Gordon Brown MP, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and Rt Hon Clare Short MP, Secretary of State for International
Development, for giving oral evidence to the Committee. We commend
all the evidence to the House to inform any future debate on debt
relief.
4. The question of debt relief is one which is obviously
of great concern to many people. We congratulate non-governmental
organisations (NGOs), in particular Jubilee 2000 Coalition, for
their work in raising the profile of this important issue.
5. We recently visited the Great Lakes Region of
Africa to collect evidence in connection with this inquiry, in
addition to trade and economic development, women and development,
and conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. We intend
to report our findings in connection with these inquiries in the
coming months. We are extremely grateful to all those who assisted
in arranging our visit, and for those who were generous in giving
their time to meet us and discuss these matters.
The Causes of Unsustainable Debt
6. The sustainability of debt refers to the debtor's
ability to service it, given its economic circumstances. The World
Bank define sustainability as: "the country's ability to
achieve, over a defined period, equilibrium in the balance of
payments, and to reach a level of debt by the end of the period
that is low enough to make future debt service problems unlikely"[4].
For the purposes of the heavily indebted poor countries initiative,
debt is defined as sustainable if it does not exceed twice to
two and a half times the level of export revenues, or if the amount
of debt service being paid does not exceed 25 per cent of export
revenues. We discuss the definition of debt sustainability in
further detail below.
7. The circumstances which result in an inability
to service external debts obviously differ greatly between countries,
but there are some common factors which can be identified. The
unsustainable debt burden of heavily indebted poor countries exists
to some extent as a result of irresponsible lending policies pursued
by bilateral and multilateral creditors. The Government's memorandum
to this inquiry acknowledges this responsibility, referring to
"what can, with the benefit of hindsight, be seen as lending
policies which did not take full account of the true risks of
default"[5]. A recent
World Bank report also refers to "a lack of selectivity in
lending ... most noticeable in the FY 84-89 period when approvals
grew rapidly"[6].
The World Bank, in the same report, claims that in recent years
selectivity in the approval of loans has increased[7].
Clare Short acknowledged that the African Development Bank "has
a terrible record and was allowed to lend totally irresponsibly
in the past", but reassured the Committee that "is now
undergoing a major process of reform under much better leadership
and it is about to have a re-settlement of its constitution that
will give donors like us more authority"[8].
8. We welcome the assurances we have received concerning
the lending policies of the World Bank and African Development
Bank. We note with some concern, however, that World Bank International
Development Association (IDA) credits of US$114 million were approved
for Uganda on 24 March 1998[9],
a matter of weeks before Uganda's completion point under the HIPC
Initiative. ( The "completion
point" is the point at which a reduction in the stock of
debt is implemented, at the end of the HIPC Initiative process.
We discuss this process in further detail below.)
We recommend that the UK's representatives
at the World Bank, IMF, and African Development Bank, report developments
in lending policy to us on an annual basis, and provide assurances
that the multilateral institutions to which the UK contributes
are pursuing lending policies which take a full and realistic
account of the ability of the debtor government to repay.
9. The problem of unsustainable debt must also be
attributed to debtor countries, in some cases failing to put loans
to productive use, either due to misjudgement or corruption, and
in others failing to achieve economic growth despite productive
use of loans. Robin Fellgett, an HM Treasury Official, explained
that "in most cases the single most important factor is simply
that the economic policies of the country concerned have not delivered
the economic growth that is necessary to repay .. if it borrows
and does not invest or invests unwisely, or the economic policy
framework within which it is operating does not facilitate growth,
the country cannot repay the debt."[10].
10. David Woodward, a development consultant, reminded
us in evidence that in some cases the responsibility for unproductive
use of loans lay with previous rather than current debtor governments[11].
For example, the bulk of Rwanda's external debt was incurred by
the genocidal regime which preceded the current administration.
In 1980, Rwanda's total long-term external debt was US$ 190 million;
by 1995, this had increased to US$948 million[12].
Some argue that loans were used by the genocidal regime to purchase
weapons, and that the current administration, and ultimately the
people of Rwanda, should not have to repay these "odious"
debts[13].
11. In his address to the meeting of Commonwealth
Finance Ministers at Mauritius in September 1997, the "Mauritius
Mandate",[14] the
Chancellor pledged that the UK would not provide export credits
to developing countries for "unproductive expenditure"
such as unjustifiable expenditure on arms, for the following two
years, and that the Government would seek to secure a more permanent
international agreement with other creditor countries[15].
The statement by the G7 Finance Ministers following their meeting
in February 1998 showed that some progress had been made in achieving
such an agreement informally[16].
We welcome the restriction by the Government of the provision
of export credit guarantees to productive expenditure only. We
recommend that the Government use the G7 meeting in two days'
time to continue to promote an international agreement on the
restriction of export credit guarantees to productive expenditure
only.
12. Fluctuations in commodity prices and foreign
exchange rates have also contributed to the inability of some
countries to service their debts[17].
Jubilee 2000 Coalition claim that "if Africa's export
prices had kept pace with import prices since 1980, Africa could
have repaid all its debt one and a half times over."[18]
This point has too often been forgotten in any discussion on debt
relief. Adverse weather conditions, such as the recent El
Niño phenomenon, drought, or flooding, can also have an
impact upon export revenues and economic stability, thus reducing
the sustainability of debt[19].
13. In some poor countries, conflict has had a major
impact upon both the accrual of debt under corrupt, military or
dictatorial regimes, and upon the sustainability of existing debt
as a result of the resulting economic instability[20].
For example, following the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the sustainability
of Rwanda's external debt decreased dramatically. The sustainability
of debt, which refers to whether or not the debt can be paid,
can be measured in a variety of ways. One measure is the value
of the debt in relation to Gross National Product (GNP). The net
present value[21] of
external debt in Rwanda only increased by 4.5 per cent from 1994
to 1995, however such was the impact of the conflict on GNP that
the ratio of debt to GNP increased from 49.4 per cent in 1994
to 130.7 per cent in 1995, representing a massive decline in the
sustainability of the debt[22].
14. It is clear that responsibility for unsustainable
debt lies with creditors, debtors, the impact of unforseen economic
circumstances, and conflict. In view of this shared responsibility,
creditors and debtors should continue to work together to achieve
a joint solution, with each recognising their own role in the
creation of the problem and their potential contribution to its
solution.
How Much is Owed and to Whom?
15. The total public and publicly guaranteed external
debt owed by all developing countries in 1994 was US$1,926.9 billion[23].
Heavily indebted poor countries owe 12 per cent of this total[24].
According to the Government, thirty seven of the countries defined
by the World Bank for the purposes of HIPC Initiative as "heavily
indebted poor countries"[25],
countries which had not resolved their unsustainable debt problems
at the time of the official end of the debt crisis in 1994, owe
a total of about US$ 100 billion (for the remaining four HIPCs,
figures are too unreliable to use)[26].
At the end of 1995, 54 per cent of the debt owed by HIPCs was
official bilateral debt, i.e. debt owed to individual governments.
31 per cent was owed to multilateral creditors, i.e. financial
institutions which are owned by several share-holders, such as
the World Bank and IMF, and regional development banks such as
the African Development Bank. The remaining 15 per cent was owed
to private creditors[27].
Human Development Implications
of Unsustainable Debt
16. Debt in itself is not automatically a problem.
Most developing countries need to borrow externally in order to
finance domestic investment, it is only when the debt becomes
unsustainable that adverse effects arise[28].
There are major economic implications associated with unsustainable
debt, which we discuss below, however the impact is ultimately
felt by people living in indebted countries. Unsustainable debt
has been cited as the single biggest obstacle to tackling poverty[29].
CAFOD cite Cardinal Hume, who pointed out that "whatever
the detailed history of today's debt ridden countries, nearly
all have one key fact in common; that those who could be blamed
the least, the poorest people in the poorest countries, have suffered
the most"[30]. It
is important that definitions of unsustainable debt should explicitly
take human development into account. We therefore agree with the
definition of unsustainable debt as "debt which cannot be
paid without damaging the prospects of economic and human development"
put forward by the World Development Movement[31].
17. The Chancellor told us that "millions of
people in the world's poorest countries are suffering because
money that could be spent on health and education and on ensuring
economic self-sufficiency is currently going to repay debt"[32].
Tearfund point out that "for an impoverished country such
as Mozambique to spend more than a third of its GNP on debt repayments
while cutting expenditure on health and education is simply wrong"[33].
We agree. Jubilee 2000 Coalition's recent publication, "Chains
Around Africa: The slavery of debt in the world's most impoverished
continent"[34],
demonstrates that in many heavily indebted poor countries, expenditure
on debt servicing exceeds spending on education and health[35].
18. With the right terms and conditions, debt relief
could have a direct impact upon the lives of the poorest people
in the poorest countries. According to the 1997 UNDP Human
Development Report: "relieved of their annual debt repayments,
the severely indebted countries could use the funds for investments
that in Africa alone would save the lives of about 21 million
children by 2000 and provide 90 million girls and women with access
to basic services"[36].
Oxfam illustrate this point in their recent position paper:
Making Debt Relief Work: a test of political will (April 1998),
showing how the six countries which have confirmed completion
points under the HIPC Initiative have made commitments to using
the savings to finance education and health programmes.
19. Unsustainable debt can undermine efforts to reduce
poverty, as aid money is effectively recycled to repay debts.
Jubilee 2000 Coalition told us that "for every one dollar
in aid given to developing countries, eight dollars now comes
back in debt service; at the same time, we lend them a further
eleven dollars, a large part of which .. is used to finance the
eight dollars"[37].
Jubilee 2000 Coalition further point out in their recent paper[38]
that in 1996, for every US$1 received in aid grants, Africa paid
out US$1.31 in debt servicing. Oxfam estimate that between a third
and a half of bilateral aid flows are being recycled in the form
of debt refinancing"[39].
On the other hand, UK Government officials told us that the UK
provided £264 million of bilateral aid to heavily indebted
poor countries in FY 1996/97 (not including Commonwealth Development
Corporation investments or non-aid debt relief), which represents
several times the amount of debt repayment received by the Export
Credits Guarantee Department (ECGD), which is around £40
million per year[40].
In 1995, the most recent year for which figures are available,
the total official development assistance (ODA) from OECD Development
Assistance Committee (DAC) countries[41]
was US$60.1 billion. The total debt service paid by developing
countries in the same year was US$194 billion[42].
The fact that the amount of debt service paid annually by developing
countries exceeds aid flows from OECD DAC countries to developing
countries by some US$133.9 billion is clearly unacceptable. We
also note, however, that if export credits and private flows (including
direct investment, international bank lending, and NGO grants)
are included in the equation, the total net resource flows from
DAC countries to developing countries exceed debt service payments
by US$225 billion.
Economic Effects of Unsustainable
Debt:
20. Not only may there be an immediate impact of
unsustainable debt on the resources available to the poor people
in the debtor country, but the economic prospects of heavily indebted
poor countries can be blighted by the "debt overhang".
Shriti Vadera, Executive Director, SBC Warburg Dillon Read, told
us in evidence that "if we are talking about genuine, self-sustaining
economic recovery, foreign investment is a key condition and the
debt overhang is a deterrent not only directly but also because
investors are concerned about exchange rate and interest rate
fluctuations and the lack of domestic liquidity as a result of
the overhang"[43].
Foreign investment is not a panacea for indebted countries[44],
but it is a likely to be a necessary condition for sustainable
economic recovery[45],
which itself is a precondition for effective poverty eradication[46].
21. There are clear economic advantages to debtor
countries in receiving deep and sustainable debt relief. However,
some debtor countries appear to be concerned that debt relief
may adversely affect their creditworthiness in international capital
markets. For example, Kenya has declined to apply for concessional
debt relief, in order to demonstrate its ability to "stand
on its own two feet"[47],
showing that the impact of debt relief upon creditworthiness is
an issue of serious concern to some debtor countries. David Woodward
argues that debt relief will damage the creditworthiness of the
debtor only to the extent that it is expected to default again[48].
Jubilee 2000 Coalition point out that since heavily indebted poor
countries already lack creditworthiness, this issue is irrelevant
and should not prevent debt relief being granted. There is
as yet no evidence on the potential adverse effect of debt relief
on creditworthiness. We recommend that creditworthiness be monitored
in those countries which benefit from the HIPC Initiative. We
believe, however, that the fact of debt relief is less important
in assessment of creditworthiness than how such debt relief has
been used. If it results in an effective macroeconomic framework
and a productive economy we doubt that the debt relief will deter
investors.
Bilateral Debt Relief: The UK
22. The UK is the sixth largest creditor to heavily
indebted poor countries, and is owed less than four per cent of
their outstanding bilateral debt[49],
about £1.5 billion[50].
Most official development assistance (ODA) debt owed to the UK
has now been cancelled. Since 1978, the UK has written off about
£1.2 billion of ODA loans. In addition, it was announced
in September 1997 that £123 million of ODA debt to lower-income
Commonwealth countries would be written off[51].
Bilateral UK aid is now provided in grant rather than loan form.
We welcome the provision of UK bilateral aid as grants rather
than loans.
23. Most debt owed to the UK is not ODA debt, but
is owed to the Export Credits Guarantee Department. The level
of unsustainable debt owed to ECGD raises questions about past
commercial decisions of this department. ECGD should re-examine
its policies to ensure such debt burdens do not recur. The ECGD
acquires sovereign debt by taking over the title of debts owed
to British exporters. ECGD is obliged to maximise the recovery
of outstanding debt, and debt forgiveness can therefore only be
made if it is in the interests of the proper financial management
of its portfolio, for example if it is thought that partial forgiveness
will increase the likelihood that the remaining debt will be recovered[52].
Rescheduling and relief of ECGD debt is negotiated at the Paris
Club, discussed below.
24. Tearfund call for the unilateral cancellation
of all debt owed to the UK by the poorest countries[53].
Jubilee 2000 Coalition suggest that unilateral action in the cancellation
of debt would be effective as a tactic for shaming other creditors
into similar actions[54].
Oxfam agree, and suggest that unilateral action in the cancellation
of debt is also valid if it automatically unlocks further relief
from other creditors[55].
For example, the recent donation by the UK of US$10 million to
Mozambique's debt relief package provided a lead which was then
followed by other creditors, leading to the accumulation of the
necessary funds to finance the package. In these circumstances,
Oxfam would support unilateral action. Oxfam also point out a
potential disadvantage to unilateral action: "if the UK were
to write off its debt to a particular country, it could exclude
itself from further discussions on that country's debt, thereby
reducing its potential leverage over other creditors"[56].
A further argument against unilateral action as a general policy
is that the benefits may be reaped by other creditors rather than
the debtor, as David Woodward explained: "Given the principle
of reducing debt to a specific level, if unilateral action reduces
debt before that stage is reached there is a risk that the effect
will simply be a saving on the debt reduction which is required
from other creditors"[57],
rather than benefiting the debtor. This risk must be taken into
account when considering unilateral action.
25. Oxfam suggest that the way forward is not to
pursue a general policy of unilateral action, but to reserve unilateral
action for particular circumstances, and that the general policy
should be to focus on the implementation of international initiatives.
This has been the policy of the Government. In the Mauritius Mandate,
the Chancellor launched targets for international action, providing
a time frame for the implementation of Paris Club Naples Terms
and the HIPC Initiative. We consider these targets in detail below.
The Chancellor has also discussed the issue with the G7 Finance
Ministers in February 1998[58],
and debt relief will be on the agenda at the forthcoming G7 meeting
in Birmingham[59]. Given
the small proportion of debt owed to the UK by heavily indebted
poor countries, and the disadvantages of unilateral action, we
welcome the general focus of the Government on international debt
relief efforts, with unilateral action reserved for occasional
cases where it will unlock relief from other creditors, such as
the recent donation of US$10 million to finance the debt relief
package of Mozambique, which, as we noted above, provided a lead
for other creditors to make similar donations.
The Paris Club
26. The Paris Club is a group of bilateral creditors
which was established in the 1950s to consider rescheduling official
bilateral debt owed to them[60].
The Paris Club only considers official bilateral debts, and excludes
private non-guaranteed debt. In 1988, the Paris Club agreed terms
under which it was possible to reduce the official bilateral debt
burden of some of the most heavily indebted countries. Various
"terms" for debt relief were agreed[61],
culminating in the agreement of "Naples Terms" in 1994,
allowing reduction in the stock of debt owed to its creditors
by up to two thirds at the end of a consolidation period of one
to three years, in addition to rescheduling of debts due during
the consolidation period. During the past 20 years, the Paris
Club has rescheduled or reduced official bilateral debts of over
US$300m in net present value terms. The UK has cancelled £1.8
million of official bilateral debt through Paris Club agreements
in the past decade.
1 Q.254. Back
2
pp. 1-92 Back
3
pp. 93-114 Back
4 Global
Development Finance 1998, p. 55. Back
5
Evidence p.1. Back
6
World Bank Report no. 16594, "Adjustment Lending in Sub-Saharan
Africa: An Update" May 1997, paragraph 8. Back
7
Ibid. para 8. Back
8
Q.281. Back
9
World Bank News, Vol XVII, No. 7, April 2 1998. Back
10
Q.10. See also Oxfam evidence p. 53, and Government evidence p.
1. Back
11
Q.172. Back
12
World Development Indicators, 1997. Back
13
"Rwanda: Kigali vows to repay debts left by former foes"
The Black World Today, 13 November 1997. See: www.tbwt.com/articles/africa/africa207.htm Back
14 See
Annex. See also paragraph 33. Back
15 Rt
Hon Gordon Brown MP, Speech to Commonwealth Finance Ministers
Meeting in Mauritius, 16 September 1997. Back
16 Statement
by the G7 Finance Ministers, 22 February 1998. Back
17
Government evidence p.1. Back
18
"Chains Around Africa: The slavery of debt in the world's
most impoverished continent", Jubilee 2000 Coalition, April
1998. Back
19
Q.6. Back
20
Q.10-13. Back
21
The Net Present Value (NPV) of debt is a measure of debt which
takes into account the concessionality of the loans. It is defined
as the sum of all future debt-service obligations (interest and
principal), discounted at the market interest rate. Whenever
the interest rate on a loan is lower than the market interest
rate, the resulting net present value of debt is smaller than
its nominal value, with the difference reflecting the grant element.
The NPV of debt is the measure which is used by the Paris Club
and multilateral institutions to calculate debt sustainability
ratios (IMF Survey, Supplement on the Fund, September 1997. See
www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/sup0997/08debt.htm
). Back
22
"Chains Around Africa: The slavery of debt in the world's
most impoverished continent", Jubilee 2000 Coalition, April
1998. Back
23
World Development Indicators 1997. Back
24
Global Development Finance 1998. Back
25
The heavily indebted poor countries are: Angola, Benin, Bolivia,
Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad,
Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea,
Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Honduras, Kenya, Laos, Liberia, Madagascar,
Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria,
Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia,
Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Vietnam, Republic of Yemen, Zaire,
and Zambia. Back
26
Q.17-19. Back
27
Evidence p.21. Back
28
Evidence p.1. Back
29
Evidence p.95. Back
30
Evidence p.98. Back
31
Evidence p.98. Back
32
Q.254. See also Christian Aid evidence p.100. Back
33
Evidence p.104. Back
34
"Chains Around Africa: The slavery of debt in the world's
most impoverished continent", Jubilee 2000 Coalition, April
1998. Back
35
See also Oxfam Position Paper: "Making debt relief work:
a test of political will", April 1998. Back
36
Evidence p.95. Back
37
Q.150. Back
38
"Chains Around Africa: The slavery of debt in the world's
most impoverished continent", Jubilee 2000 Coalition, April
1998. Back
39
Q.192. See also Christian Aid evidence p.100. Back
40
Evidence p.21. Back
41
The OECD Development Assistance Committee countries are: Australia,
Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland,
Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal,
Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States. Back
42
OECD Development Assistance Committee Report: "Development
Cooperation 1996". Back
43
Q.72. See also Government evidence p. 1 and p.1, Oxfam evidence,
p.53, CAFOD evidence p.95, Christian Aid evidence p. 100, Jubilee
2000 Coalition evidence p.30. Back
44
Q.101. Back
45
Q.183. Back
46
Evidence p.4. Back
47
Q.50. Back
48
Q.114. Back
49
Evidence p.99. Back
50
Q.21. Back
51
Rt Hon Gordon Brown MP, Speech to Commonwealth Finance Ministers
Meeting in Mauritius, 16 September 1997. Back
52
Q.62. Back
53
Tearfund evidence p.104. Back
54
Q.103. Back
55
Evidence p.54. Back
56
Evidence p.54. Back
57
Q.101. Back
58
Statement by the G7 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors,
21 February 1998. Back
59
Q.93. Back
60
The Paris Club is described in detail in the Government Evidence,
p.2. See also Annex. Back
61
See Annex. Back
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