Select Committee on International Development Fourth Report


POLITICAL COOPERATION

139. The Lomé Convention involves partnership between the European Union and the ACP countries in aid, trade and political matters. The Preamble of the Draft Negotiating Mandate reads, "The parties will affirm their wish for greater political dialogue. The parties will acknowledge that a political environment guaranteeing peace and stability, respect for human rights, democratic principles, the rule of law and good governance is a prerequisite for development; that responsibility for establishing such an environment rests primarily with the countries concerned; that the European Union can provide constructive support for the efforts of these countries".[236] The Convention will contain an "essential elements clause" in which it will be affirmed that "the parties' domestic and foreign policies must be informed by respect for human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law, and good governance".[237]

140. The Draft Negotiating Mandate goes on to give more detail of what it means by such phrases as "rule of law" and "good governance". There is an emphasis on the roles of local authorities, the private sector and civil society, and on conflict prevention and post conflict reconstruction. It recommends early-warning and mediation systems, codes of conduct on military spending and the arms trade, the development particularly at regional level of post-conflict dialogue, "strengthening the links between emergency aid, rehabilitation and development".[238] The European Union will "offer the ACP states a deeper and wide-ranging political dialogue.. [which will] produce mutual obligations between the parties".[239]

141. Exchanges at the political level between the EU and the ACP countries are mainly confined to the annual ACP-EU Council at Ministerial level and the twice-yearly ACP-EU Joint Assembly for parliamentarians of ACP countries and European MEPs. The ACP-EU Council discusses a wide range of topics including conflict prevention and trade access. The Joint Assembly also debates a matters of common interest such as human rights and trade.[240]

Human Rights

142. The Commission documents have laid particular emphasis on the importance of human rights in ACP-EU dialogue. We agree that sustainable development can only take place within a framework of the rule of law, good governance, democracy and respect for human rights. The Government also supported this emphasis. Mr Vereker said, "there are areas, human rights, conflict prevention, good government, where the nature of the policy dialogue can I think be strengthened". In the past, political dialogue had been "rather stronger ... on the form than on substance".[241]

143. The Mid-Term Review of Lomé IV introduced for the first time a clause allowing for the suspension of a Lomé Country from the Convention on human rights grounds.[242] The Mid-term Review was agreed in November 1995. The Committee was, therefore, concerned that the review had not as yet entered into force. The new human rights clause (Article 366a) had been given provisional application. The EU had still, however, to adopt an implementing mechanism to put into effect. The delay had been caused by the previous United Kingdom Government refusing to accept that the partial suspension of Lomé membership on human rights grounds could take place by Qualified Majority Voting (QMV). The present Government had accepted QMV and it was hoped that an implementation mechanism would soon be in place.[243] Mr Jones Parry made the additional point that in four instances - Niger, Nigeria, Somalia and Sudan - Lomé aid had in practice been suspended because of human rights concerns.[244]

144. We look forward to the prompt implementation of the suspension clause (Article 366a) of the Lomé Convention and regret past delays. We have earlier in this Report made recommendations on the conditionality of aid and the need for greater flexibility in the allocation of funds. Such measures would be a valuable and necessary adjunct to the `final step' provision of suspension.

145. When it comes to detail and other practical measures for the promotion of good governance and human rights the proposals of the Commission and, indeed, our own Government remain vague.[245] One area mentioned, however, was that of labour standards and environmental standards. CIIR argued that the EU should not only assist ACP countries in the introduction of competition policies to attract foreign investment but should also "ensure that European companies operating in ACP countries comply with minimum standards in key areas of environmental pollution, workers' rights and consumer protection".[246] Both Clare Short and Mr Jones Parry mentioned the proposal for the provision of an `enhanced' GSP for those countries which introduced such standards (the 'Regulation on Special Incentives').[247] We welcome the proposal for the provision of an enhanced GSP to those countries implementing certain core labour and environmental standards. This positive use of trade preferences is a good example of the conditionality to which the Lomé Convention should aspire.

Conflict Prevention and Post-Conflict Reconstruction

146. A second emphasis of the `Lomé literature' is conflict prevention. The Government again supported this emphasis in the Draft Negotiating Mandate. Clare Short pointed out that conflict tends to take place "in the poorest countries and it entraps them into further impoverishment. So if we are interested in poverty elimination we have to be interested in conflict prevention and resolution".[248] She admitted, however, that there had not been much detailed thinking on how to implement such a commitment. The ACP also welcomed the discussion of conflict prevention and looked forward to "the strengthening of regional mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution".[249]

147. ACTIONAID believed that "Greater investment in early warning systems and post-conflict rehabilitation is essential".[250] Their memorandum pointed to the large number of conflicts in ACP countries, and the particularly dire circumstances of the Great Lakes Region. Humanitarian aid was an inadequate response, "The EU must be prepared to invest in post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction, and this investment must be directed not only at repairing infrastructure, but at healing social divisions as well".[251] Both Oxfam and Saferworld argued that conflict prevention should be an explicitly considered criterion in all Lomé and WTO deliberations on trade policy.[252]

148. There was also evidence which questioned the wisdom of the Lomé Convention taking up issues of conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. Dr Marjorie Lister of the University of Bradford argued that Lomé's survival and success was in part a result of avoiding contentious political issues. Conflict prevention was new to Lomé and was "a more overtly political goal than Lomé previously encompassed".[253] The problems were often intractable and could implicate the EU in immensely difficult situations. Such matters were better left to the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy and to such organisations as the UN and the OAU.[254] In discussion of conflict prevention Clare Short also mentioned the importance of policy liaison with the UN[255] and Christian Aid similarly for the OAU.[256]

149. The Committee has recently begun an inquiry into conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. Many of these issues will be examined in more detail in the context of that inquiry. We can, however, draw some preliminary conclusions in this Report:

(a)  Conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction must be taken into account wherever relevant in all aspects of development thinking, including trade policy. They must therefore be included in the priorities and provisions of the Lomé Convention and we welcome their treatment in the Draft Negotiating Mandate.

(b)  More practical detail is necessary of how the Lomé Convention can contribute to conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. We recommend further attention be paid to the development of an early warning system, efficient models for discussion and possibly mediation within the framework of the ACP-EU Council and Joint Assembly, an effective post-conflict aid and reconstruction strategy, the training of Commission personnel, both in Brussels and in the delegations, in conflict issues and how they relate to development.

(c)  The development of a Lomé strategy for conflict prevention must be within a framework agreed with other significant international bodies, such as the UN and he OAU.

The ACP-EU Council of Ministers and the Joint Assembly

150. Mr Vereker did not think that the dynamic of the ACP-EU Council of Ministers was "tremendously satisfactory. You get a very large number of people in a room, typically only two of whom talk to each other".[257] There was more positive comment on the Joint Assembly as a useful forum for political dialogue.[258] The Government saw the potential of both institutions for the strengthening of political cooperation. More focus was necessary on "the substance of the political relationship between the EU and the ACPs, recognising that these may vary from country to country and from region to region". There needed to be an expansion of topics discussed, avoiding any duplication of the work of other fora, with a greater emphasis on encouraging respect for human rights".[259]

151. One suggestion repeatedly made in evidence was that there be an input from civil society and the private sector into the deliberations of these joint institutions. Christian Aid advocated clear mechanisms for involvement of civil society and the private sector at national and regional level as well as in the joint institutions.[260] Similar points about the involvement of civil society and the private sector in Lomé processes were made by One World Action[261], ACTIONAID[262] and the British African Business Association.[263] Mr Clive Robinson from Christian Aid also mentioned the difficulty encountered by Southern NGOs in getting information on Lomé programmes.[264] We are very aware of the limited capacity, particularly in ACP countries, for preparation for and participation in international conferences. We do, however, see a value in a forum at ACP-EU level where the voices of civil society and the private sector can be clearly heard. It would seem preferable for any forum to be annexed to the meetings of the Joint Assembly.

Complaints Mechanism and Annual Report

152. A further means whereby the proceedings of the joint institutions might be enhanced is through the establishment of a Lomé complaints mechanism. Mr Robinson from Christian Aid suggested an ombudsman procedure attached to the Joint Assembly "so that complaints could be heard both from ACP countries and from groups with interests within Europe".[265] Complaints would concern cases of incoherence, in other words aspects of either EU or an ACP country's policy which were not consistent with the Lomé Convention. The complaints procedure might also be linked with an annual report from the Commission. Mr Robinson told the Committee that it had been agreed under the Dutch Presidency that there should be an annual report by the Commission to the Council and European Parliament on cases of incoherence. He hoped it might develop into a single annual report on all aspects of European development cooperation.[266] The Commission was proposing annual reviews. Mr Robinson accepted that "more regular monitoring of progress within the Convention would be good, provided that it is in the spirit of partnership and that there is some review not just of recipient performance ... but some review of donor progress as well in meeting the anti-poverty and other targets that the European Union as the donor is setting".[267]

153. The recommendation of an annual report was also made by others. CIIR recommended an annual report on the progress of the post-Lomé IV Convention "with a focus on the degree to which trade and investment policy is contributing towards equitable and sustainable development. Eradication of poverty, technology transfer and diversification away from primary commodities, as well as a review of the success of targeted aid/trade packages".[268] CAFOD's memorandum states that "The EU and ACP governments should be obliged to publish annual reports on the Convention's implementation, and the Convention should include a complaints procedure for those individuals adversely affected by its provisions".[269] Mr Maxwell considered that genuine partnership in the Lomé Convention meant that perhaps there might be "some role for the institutions of the ACP to act as an intermediary in deciding whether the terms of the contract have been met or not".[270] Mr Batt was not sure about "a formal complaints procedure" for cases of policy incoherence. He thought it best "to create a mechanisms and procedures dialogue at all levels throughout the system which captures the implications for developing countries of wider policies".[271]

154. In the present unfortunately fragmented state of EU development policy it will no doubt be best to have an annual report dedicated to initiatives and progress specifically within the framework of the Lomé Convention. We recommend that there be an Annual Report on the operation of the Lomé Convention. We consider this a vital way to ensure there is constant monitoring of Lomé performance against targets, including intermediate DAC-related targets. The report should include trade and poverty-related statistics, measurement of performance against targets, and cases of incoherence brought to light in EU and ACP countries' policy. Thought should be given to the incorporation of an independent element in the drafting of the report. We recommend that the Annual Report be presented for debate to the ACP-EU Council and to the Joint Assembly, and to the parliaments of the member states. The joint institutions and member state parliaments will be strengthened in their consideration of Lomé issues by such an analysis.

155. The deliberations of the joint institutions would be further enhanced by some form of complaints procedure. This would bring an important link between what are at present rather remote bodies and the ordinary people affected by the Convention. Given that many of the issues complained of may be policy matters such as, for example, questions of human rights abuses or trade policy incoherence, it might not be suitable to have an ombudsman as the complaints mechanism. The ombudsman is more usually used to investigate cases of maladministration. It might instead be better to have a joint ACP-EU Petitions Committee to hear complaints and prepare a report for the Council or Joint Assembly with recommendation in certain cases of further examination or debate. Whatever solution is chosen, we recommend that a complaints procedure be established for any persons or bodies who consider that the principles and terms of the Lomé Convention have been breached.

156. The Maastricht Treaty committed the EU to policy consistency, "The Community shall take account of the objectives referred to in Article 130u [the EU's development objectives] in the policies that it implements which are likely to affect developing countries".[272] We have already discussed one example of policy incoherence in the Commission's proposals for CAP reform and the failure to take adequate account of the effects of such reform on developing countries. One other instance should be mentioned briefly. Mr Adrian Hewitt from the Overseas Development Institute brought the attention of the Committee to the implications for ACP franc zone countries of the introduction of a single European currency.[273] He was concerned that the effect of the single currency might be to disrupt trade and development in these countries and their neighbours. His memorandum was designed to encourage consideration of this matter. This is a technical issue but clearly one which should be thoroughly examined. We recommend that, whilst President of the EU, the United Kingdom Government initiate an analysis of the developmental consequences of a single European currency for sub-Saharan Africa.


236   Draft Negotiating Mandate 1.1.1-2. Back

237   Draft Negotiating Mandate 1.3.1. Back

238   Draft Negotiating Mandate 1.3.1-2. Back

239   Draft Negotiating Mandate 1.3.6. Back

240   Evidence p.3 Back

241   Q.4 Back

242   Evidence p.28 Back

243   Evidence pp.28-29 Back

244   Q.8 Back

245   See Q.16 Back

246   Evidence p.50 Back

247   QQ.527, 593-594 Back

248   Q.504 Back

249   Evidence p.290 Back

250   Evidence p.242 Back

251   Evidence p.243 Back

252   Q.212, Evidence pp.294-295 Back

253   Evidence p.99 Back

254   Evidence pp.99-100 Back

255   Q.485 Back

256   Evidence p.61 Back

257   Q.29 Back

258   Q.29 Back

259   Evidence p.8 Back

260   Evidence pp.58-59 Back

261   Evidence p.54 Back

262   Evidence p.243 Back

263   Evidence p.171 Back

264   Q.174 Back

265   Q.214 Back

266   Q.215 Back

267   Q.182 Back

268   Evidence p.51 Back

269   Evidence p.226 Back

270   Q.309 Back

271   Q.33 Back

272   TEU Article 130v Back

273   Evidence pp. 290-292 Back


 
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Prepared 2 June 1998