C: THE NEED FOR INDEPENDENCE (continued)
Action following an investigation
The decision to bring criminal
or disciplinary charges
88. The next point at the process at which the issue
of independence arises is the examination of the report from the
investigating officer for consideration of possible action. All
such reports will be considered by the police force concerned,
but in complaints cases they will also be considered by the PCA
and, where a criminal offence may be involved, by the Crown Prosecution
Service. These two bodies are of course independent of the police.
The issue is whether they exercise this independence properly.
89. As the Criminal Law Committee of the Law Society
observed "To maintain public confidence in the system it
should be evident that cases which merit prosecution are in fact
prosecuted".[168]
Some critics asserted that this did not happen. The Crown Prosecution
Service told us that:
"In deciding whether a police officer should
be prosecuted, or whether an existing prosecution should continue,
the CPS applies the tests in the Code for Crown Prosecutors.
There is no special test for police officers, but account is taken
of the difficult circumstances in which police officers are often
expected to act and of the high standards expected of those who
occupy positions of authority and trust in society. In a similar
way, for instance, with all defendants or possible defendants,
account is taken, when considering purported self defence, of
the difficulties often facing someone confronted by an intruder
or defending himself or herself against attack; and an abuse of
trust or authority is always treated as an aggravating factor."
The DPP reiterated these points in her oral evidence,
noting that if they think that more evidence may be needed to
achieve the test of 'a realistic prospect of conviction' then
they would ask for it, and that as for the public interest test
"if it is a police officer who has allegedly assaulted a
member of the public, normally it would be in the public interest
to prosecute".[169]
90. The Police Action Lawyers Group referred to "an
apparent lack of willingness on the part of the Crown Prosecution
Service and DPP to prosecute police officers against whom there
is substantial evidence to justify a criminal charge.[170]
Birnberg and Co. submitted that:
"responsibility for prosecuting police officers
should be removed from the CPS so that cases of fundamental constitutional
importance are not swept under the carpet in the interests of
maintaining good working relations with the police. It is the
need for greater independence that leaps out when one examines
the way in which the CPS has purported to fulfill its functions
in this regard. There is clearly a bias which pervades both the
police and CPS preventing viable prosecutions through nonsensical
analysis of evidence."[171]
91. Both Birnbergs and the Police Lawyers Action
Group drew attention to several recent cases in which the decision
by the DPP not to bring criminal charges was overturned or withdrawn
following challenges in the High Court by way of judicial review.[172]
In the case of Shiji Lapite, after a coroner's jury had
returned a verdict of unlawful killing where a person had died
while being detained by the police, the DPP's decision not to
bring charges, in the view of the organisation Inquest, "defied
not only the inquest jury's verdict but also the evidence itself".[173]
In another case of a person dying while in the hands of the police,
the Richard O'Brien case, an inquest took place some months
after a decision by the DPP not to prosecute; the jury in this
case too came to a verdict of unlawful killing, and the coroner
referred the matter back to the DPP who, some months later, reaffirmed
her decision not to prosecute. These two cases are now being
reconsidered by the DPP, together with an assault case.[174]
The Committee noted also the failure of the DPP to prosecute
any members of the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad, despite
recommendations from the West Yorkshire Police-who had carried
out a detailed investigation into the activities of the squad-that
a number of officers should be so prosecuted.[175]
92. The DPP rejected these claims[176]
She emphasised to us that all decisions taken by her office were
taken on the basis of the same assessment of evidence as in other
cases. In respect of the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad report
she explained that "... we sent the papers to very senior
counsel. We looked at it very carefully ourselves. We broke
it out allegation by allegation, against each defendant, which
is what you have to do ... I remember vividly ... the quantity
of work that went into it and so on. The conclusions which counsel
came to was that there was no realistic prospect of conviction
...".[177]
She declined to discuss the recent cases in detail since they
were currently under review between her office, Treasury Counsel
and the law officers.[178]
This procedure for wider consultation had been set in place for
such cases by the Attorney General and the DPP as a result of
the Lapite, O'Brien and Treadaway cases in the
High Court, pending the results of a wider review of the lessons
to be learned from those cases under Judge Gerald Butler QC.
93. That review will be examining the issues involved
in the CPS's procedures for considering such cases in greater
depth than can this Committee and no great purpose would be served
by our making detailed recommendations in this area before the
Butler report has been completed. Nevertheless, there is a
danger that the CPS can appear to make judgements of cases involving
the police which are not properly balanced. We trust the Butler
review will propose steps to address this. One possible course
of action might be to require any decision not to prosecute, in
serious cases, to be the specific responsibility of the DPP, with
a duty to state in writing the reasons for the decision.
94. We have received less evidence of the same kind
that the PCA is subject to a similar perceived propensity not
to insist on disciplinary charges, though some such cases were
drawn to our attention.[179]
This is not because critics of the system are entirely happy
with the PCA's decisions but more because criticism on this count
is only one aspect of their more wide-ranging dissatisfaction
with the independence and role of the PCA. It is also the case
that in some high profile cases, including the Lapite case,[180]
the PCA decision not to require disciplinary charges followed
on as a natural consequence from the CPS's decision not to bring
criminal charges since the basic question to be addressed was
the same-would a court or a hearing be satisfied beyond reasonable
doubt that the actions alleged had indeed been committed? Of
course if the standard of proof required in disciplinary cases
was lower than the standard in a criminal trial, a matter which
we consider later in this report, then whatever independent body
was in place, whether or not the PCA, might not infrequently come
to a different view from that of the CPS. Nevertheless, we
suggest that the idea of making the Chairman of the PCA specifically
responsible for any decision not to bring disciplinary charges
in serious cases might also be examined, again with a duty to
state in writing the reasons for the decision.
The power to direct that a disciplinary
charge be brought
95. Whether the PCA is operating effectively in deciding
whether or not a charge should be brought is one question; a separate
issue arises as to its power to enforce a decision that a charge
should be brought. At present, if the PCA disagrees with a chief
officer's decision not to bring a charge the Authority may formally
recommend that a charge is brought and the chief officer must
reconsider his or her decision. In practice, agreement between
the Authority and the chief officer is usually reached at this
stage. If however agreement is not reached, then it is open to
the Authority to direct the chief officer to bring a charge.[181]
96. In their written submission, ACPO proposed that
this power should be removed from the PCA, unless the Authority
were to take on the funding and conduct of the case. They cited
in support of this that the success rate in such cases was low.[182]
At present the PCA is not funded for this. Its Chairman indicated
that the effect on its operations if it were to lose the power
to insist on charges would be 'catastrophic', since they would
have no sanctions to enforce their conclusions on cases; they
also challenged the proposition that they brought charges unnecessarily,
citing examples where Chief Constables had in retrospect recognised
their reasons for bringing the charge.[183]
In a supplementary note, ACPO emphasised that they did not so
much seek to remove the PCA's power to insist on charges as to
pass on the costs in such cases to the PCA and to address a concern
expressed by the Authority that forces sometimes pursued 'directed'
cases rather half-heartedly.[184]
97. It is certainly true that if the Police Complaints
Authority, or any other independent body in its place, did have
access to funding to allow it to shoulder the financial consequences
of overruling a Chief Constable then this would give the Authority
greater freedom to pursue particular cases as it saw fit. However,
the Authority are not seeking the power actually to conduct cases,
but only to influence the preparation of contested cases.[185]
The ACPO proposal would also set up the opposite risk from the
present situation in that it would give them an incentive to refuse
to bring charges on more occasions, in the knowledge that they
would not then have to pick up the cost. It must be unlikely
against the background of current expenditure plans that any extra
funding would be made available to the PCA for such cases, and
so any such passing of responsibility would have to be accompanied
by a transfer of funds from the police, thus raising similar difficulties
to those we have discussed earlier for the costs of investigations
(albeit on a much smaller scale). We do not rule out the
possibility that transferring financial responsibility for directed
cases to the independent complaints review body could be a further
contribution to bolstering its perceived independence, but we
see difficulties also and we do not see any need to recommend
that such a step be taken in present circumstances. Nevertheless,
arrangements should be made to allow the PCA to participate in
the preparation of cases where it has directed that a disciplinary
charge be brought.
The composition of boards at
disciplinary hearings
98. At present, a disciplinary hearing is presided
over by a chief constable or-where the most serious punishments
are not under consideration-a deputy chief constable. If the
hearing is of a complaints matter and the PCA has directed that
a charge be brought, then a Tribunal is formed comprising the
chief constable and two members of the Authority.[186]
Under the revised disciplinary proposals as they stand currently,[187]
hearings would generally take place before an assistant chief
constable and two superintendents;[188]
this would apply whether or not they were complaints cases and
whether or not they were directed to be held by the PCA.
99. There was much support in the evidence received
for the proposition that there should be an independent element
on the board for a hearing, at least for complaints cases. Liberty,
the Police Action Lawyers Group, and Birnberg & Co. all took
this view.[189]
Mr Westwood, for the Police Federation, took the view that "there
may be advantages" in having an independent member or members
assisting the senior police officer presiding over a hearing,
though only in complaint cases and not in purely internally generated
discipline cases.[190]
The Police Complaints Authority, although happy to lose their
own place in the composition of directed complaints tribunals
(because they considered it to be inappropriate both to have pressed
for a hearing and to have a role in adjudicating it, albeit that
different members of the Authority were involved)[191]
also called for independent representation in the adjudication
of hearings; they thought that the proposed police-only adjudication
by an assistant chief constable and two superintendents would
not help towards building confidence in the system.[192]
They also suggested that police officers themselves were not
certain that police-only adjudication was the best arrangement.[193]
We consider that adjudication of a discipline hearing arising
from a complaint is an area where independence is important, particularly
from the point of view of encouraging public confidence. We recommend
that the revised complaints procedures should provide for the
adjudication panel to include at least one independent member.
168 Appendix
24, para 6. Back
169 QQ
824-827. Back
170 Appendix
12. Back
171 Appendix
14. Back
172 The
DPP withdrew opposition to orders quashing decisions not to prosecute
in the Lapite and O'Brien cases, and the court found
against her in the Treadaway case (July / August 1997). Back
173 Appendix
25 (Annex 9). Back
174 Treadaway. Back
175 See
QQ 873-885. Back
176 Q
829. Back
177 Q
878. Back
178 Q
830. Back
179 Inquest
drew our attention to decisions of the PCA in the Leon Patterson
and Margaret Thorpe cases Appendix 25 (Annexes 10 and 12). Back
180 Inquest
Appendix 25 (Annex 9). Back
181 Police
and Criminal Evidence Act 1984. Back
182 Appendix
2; they claimed a success rate of 20% (Appendix 3). Back
183 Q
476; see also Appendix 29. Back
184 Appendix
3. Back
185 Q
480. Back
186 The
Authority has a power, exercised rarely, to require a Tribunal
in other cases it thinks appropriate (Police and Criminal Evidence
Act 1984 s. 94(1)). Back
187 Provision
has already been made, in the Police and Magistrates Courts Act
1994, for abolition of the Tribunals involving PCA members, but
this is not intended to be brought into force until the revised
procedures are in place. Back
188 See
Home Office Memorandum, Appendix 1, Part I, Annex B, para 17. Back
189 Appendix
11; Appendix 12; Appendix 14. Back
190 Q
668. Back
191 Q
484. Back
192 QQ
483-486. Back
193 Q
483. Back
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