THE PROCESS OF ENLARGEMENT
100. Each of NATO's sixteen members, as well as the
three invitees, must ratify the accession protocols to allow the
Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland to become Allies. As the Secretary
General told us during our visit to NATO Headquarters, it is NATO's
strong hope that this will be done in time for the new members
to formally accede at the April 1999 Washington Summit meeting
on NATO's fiftieth anniversary. To date Denmark, Canada and the
Norway have done so.
101. The debate in the United States has been heated,
and opinion in Congress has not divided along strictly party lines.
A series of hearings conducted by the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations has appeared to reinforce the Democrat administration's
pro-enlargement stance,[113]
and on 3 March the Committee approved, by 16 to 2, and reported
to the Senate a resolution of advice and consent to ratification.
This resolution, inter alia, states that the three candidate
nations "having established democratic government and having
demonstrated a willingness to meet all the requirements of membership...are
in a position to further the principles of the North Atlantic
Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic
area". The resolution also states that the US would not support
the admission of any new member to NATO unless it could "fulfill
the obligations and responsibilities of membership, and its inclusion
would serve the overall political and strategic interests of NATO
and the United States". The resolution contains no mention
of a moratorium on further enlargement, which some commentators
had feared; the US Secretary of State claimed that this would
be interpreted as "an open door shutting".[114]
The resolution demands that the overall percentage share of US
contributions to NATO will not increase due to enlargement. The
Senate will debate the resolution shortly; and the result of that
debate will be regarded as "guid[ing] the formation of US
policy relative to NATO for years to come".[115]
102. This report is intended to inform the debate
on enlargement in the UK Parliament and public. The Committee
was given assurances by the Secretary of State for Defence and
the Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office that
both Houses of Parliament would have the opportunity to express
views on enlargement, and both Ministers regard this as "an
essential part of the ratification process".[116]
We welcome the commitment made by the Government for a debate
on NATO enlargement before ratification.
103. The role played by the UK Parliament in the
ratification of treaties is not constitutionally defined, but
derives from custom and convention. Parliament has no formal input
into treaty-making, which is the prerogative of the executive
acting on behalf of the Crown. It is unclear how the views of
Parliament would have been taken into account, should the Minister
of State prove wrong in having "no belief that the view of
Parliament...will be anything other than that enlargement is consistent
with our national ambitions",[117]
since the Government could then ignore Parliament's view.
104. An undertaking given by the then Under-Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs in 1924 led to the eponymous 'Ponsonby
Rule' which has "gradually hardened into constitutional practice,
observed in principle by all Governments".[118]
The rule is described in Erskine May as follows:
When a treaty requires ratification, accession,
acceptance or approval, the Government does not usually proceed
with this until a period of twenty-one days has elapsed from the
date on which the text of such a treaty was laid before Parliament
by Her Majesty's command, a practice which allows Parliament the
opportunity to consider commitments which the Government is proposing
to enter.[119]
Hardly any treaties laid under the 'Ponsonby Rule'
are debated on the floor of the House; whether or not a treaty
is debated is a matter for the Government and its business managers,
although it is conceivable that the Opposition or a backbencher
could secure a debate.
105. It has been commented that "the lack of
formal parliamentary involvement in treaty-making distinguishes
the British Parliament from most other national legislatures".[120]
Of the current sixteen NATO member states, only Canada shares
with the UK a ratification process which requires no formal involvement
from the legislature. In other member countries treaties are ratified
by the head of state upon authorisation of the legislature, usually
by a simple majority (although in the case of the United States
a two-thirds majority in the Senate is required for final approval
of the resolution of ratification). Although in most of these
countries the legislature is required for the ratification of
all international agreements, in Norway, for example, the consent
of Parliament is needed only for issues of "special importance".
In many member states[121]
parliamentary committees make recommendations to the legislature
before the consideration of ratification. In the case of Turkey,
the Foreign Affairs and Defence Committees both examine the draft
ratification law before it is submitted to the Plenary Assembly.[122]
106. We believe that the current situation, in which
the level of involvement of the UK Parliament in treaty-making
is decided by the Government's business managers, is unclear and
inadequate. Many suggestions as to how Parliament's role in relation
to the exercise of the Crown Prerogative could be formalised and
improved have been made. These include the establishment of a
specialist select committee to scrutinise draft treaties, or a
review of the 'Ponsonby Rule' so as to make Parliament's role
more explicit. It is not our intention to debate them here, but
we express the hope that the Committee on the Modernisation
of the House of Commons will turn its attention to the current
unsatisfactory arrangements for Parliamentary examination of international
treaties and other aspects of the exercise of the royal prerogative
in relation to ratification.
113 Issue:
NATO Expansion, Congressional
Quarterly Weekly Report, 6.12.97 Back
114 Senate
Set to Agree on NATO, Financial
Times, 25.2.98 Back
115 Will
the Senate Endorse NATO's Enlargement?,
Stephen Camborne, NATO Review Nov-Dec 1997, available on the Internet
at www.nato.int/docu.review. The Senate began its debate on enlargement
on 17.3.1998 Back
116 QQ
428, 696 Back
117 Q
696 Back
118 Parliament
and Treaties, Richard Ware,
from Parliament and International Relations, ed. Carstairs
and Ware, 1991 Back
119 Erskine
May's Treatise on the Law, Privileges, Proceedings and Usage of
Parliament, ed. Limon and
McKay, 22nd Ed, 1997 Back
120 Ware,
op cit Back
121
Including Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Turkey and the United States Back
122 NAA
Newsletter: NATO Enlargement Watch, December 1997 Back
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