| Previous Section | Index | Home Page |
Mr. Cook: I entirely agree with the right hon. and learned Gentleman's last comment. It is important that we work with our allies and friends in the region to keep Iraq isolated. They may have some difficulty in expressing the fact publicly, but they understand that they are in the front line with Saddam Hussein and are the countries most at risk if the international community walks away and leaves Saddam with the capacity to produce weapons of mass destruction. Of course we must have proper authority for any action that we contemplate. It is equally important to maintain the unity of the international community, which is stronger than it was last February. That is a source of great strength and leverage for us with Baghdad.
Mr. George Galloway (Glasgow, Kelvin): Is not the problem the total bankruptcy of UNSCOM as a credible player? A senior United Nations official recently described the head of UNSCOM, Richard Butler, to me as a "congenital liar". That is based on knowing him for decades. Scott Ritter, who was lauded from the Opposition Front Bench, has admitted since his resignation that he was working with Israeli intelligence, while being the deputy head of a UN mission in Baghdad.
In the past few hours, it has been revealed that four inspectors working in Iraq under pseudonyms and carrying false passports were Colonel Khadouri,
Lieutenant Shamani, Colonel Rabscon and Jador Dalal Shamoni--all operatives of Mossad, the Israeli intelligence service. We all hope that the inspectors can get back to work monitoring the awful weapons that exist not only in Iraq but throughout the region, not least in Israel; but a new and credible leadership of UNSCOM and transparency in its work will be a precondition for the restoration of credibility.
Above all, we need a time frame for ending the sanctions, which are killing 6,000 Iraqi children every month--not Ba'athists, not Saddam's officials, not the elite, but 6,000 Iraqi children every month--according to Mr. Dennis Halliday, the recently resigned UN official who quit his job in Baghdad because he said that the policy that he was being asked to implement was completely bankrupt.
Mr. Cook:
I have heard of the reports that Baghdad has alleged that four people in UNSCOM were working for Israel, but I have had no corroboration of those reports, which stem from Baghdad. Of course, I shall happily answer any written question that my hon. Friend wants to put to me on the issue. Indeed, I undertake to write to him once we have clear information.
I strongly disagree with my hon. Friend's characterisation of Mr. Butler. I have known Richard Butler since long before he became the head of UNSCOM. I know him to be a diplomat committed to building a successful international community. My hon. Friend and most Labour Members would find a lot of common ground with Mr. Butler's wider views on foreign policy--and possibly even domestic policy. I therefore utterly acquit him of the charges that have been made against him. Baghdad's main complaint about Mr. Butler is that he has been too robust in carrying out the job that the UN asked him to do.
Finally, there is a simple remedy for the dire situation of some children in Iraq. It lies in the hands of Saddam Hussein. He could use the oil that he is smuggling out to maintain his elite and his programmes of weapons of mass destruction and put it into the oil-for-food programme, on which he has continually failed to meet the targets. Those resources could be used to meet the needs of his people instead of the needs of his military machine.
We have closely monitored the food and medicines going into the country. They are exempt from sanctions. There have never been sanctions on medicine. At the same time as there are complaints that there are not sufficient antibiotics in Iraq to treat the children, Saddam Hussein has imported specialist surgical equipment to carry out cosmetic surgery on those around him. Those are his priorities, and he is to blame for the suffering of the children.
Mr. Nicholas Soames (Mid-Sussex):
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, following the Annan agreement, the workings and timetable of UNSCOM were severely compromised? The present state of weaponry of the most dangerous sort in Iraq may be worse than we had reason to believe earlier.
Secondly, will the right hon. Gentleman say a little more about the point raised by my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham (Mr. Hogg) on the importance of securing the support of our friends and allies in the Gulf? Is he aware that there
is a great deal of suspicion of American motives in the Gulf states, which find it particularly hard to swallow the discrepancy between the way in which the Americans deal with the Israelis and the way in which they deal with Iraq? Although those are largely matters of fantasy in their minds, it is important that the issue should be clarified, and that our support for the Americans in securing their safety should be well understood.
Mr. Cook:
I disagree with the hon. Gentleman on the Annan agreement compromising the work of UNSCOM. The agreement led the way for UNSCOM to carry out intrusive inspections on presidential sites. A number of such inspections took place. I cannot give the hon. Gentleman an assurance that the position is not worse than we fear. Even if it is only as bad as we fear, that is severe enough to justify us in maintaining the pressure on Iraq to come into full compliance before there can be any move to remove sanctions.
I welcome the progress that has been secured in the middle east peace process. It is a modest step, but it is the first step that we have had for two years, and as such is particularly welcome. We must build on the momentum created by that agreement. I assure the hon. Gentleman that Britain, Europe and the United States will make it clear that we want compliance with the Security Council resolutions that affect Iraq, and agreement and progress on the middle east peace process.
Mr. David Winnick (Walsall, North):
Leaving aside the voice of Baghdad that we heard a moment ago, is it not encouraging that those countries that were reluctant to act earlier this year are now realising the cat-and-mouse antics of the criminal regime, and taking a more forceful position? If it was right--as it obviously was--a few weeks ago for the international community to give an ultimatum to the Serbian leadership, should not the United Nations very quickly give Saddam Hussein an ultimatum that he should comply entirely with the United Nations weapon inspections, or military action will be taken? Unfortunately, force--or the threat of force--is about the only thing that the bloody dictator in Baghdad understands.
Mr. Cook:
There is no need for any fresh ultimatum. Resolution 1154 made it clear that a violation of the Security Council resolutions or a failure to comply with the memorandum of understanding signed with Kofi Annan would lead to the severest consequences. I also entirely endorse my hon. Friend's comment in the earlier part of his question. In the past few days, the countries that have felt most indignant about the action by Baghdad are those that have hitherto pleaded for understanding of Iraq's position and the need to offer light at the end of the tunnel. We entirely agree with them about the need for light at the end of the tunnel, but it is now becoming apparent to all that Saddam Hussein has no intention of responding to that incentive, and will continue to test our resolve until we make it plain that there is no other way out of the sanctions regime for him.
Sir Peter Emery (East Devon):
Will the Foreign Secretary make it clear that Iraq should have no doubt that the House is united in standing up to ensure that the United Nations resolutions are carried out? While making that clear, however, is it not important to be absolutely
Secondly, why is another United Nations resolution necessary? Surely resolution 1154 gives us the power to take action, and the resolution last Friday--or was it on 29 October?--showed the Russians and the French backing the proposed action. Why do we need another resolution?
Mr. Cook:
Saturday's statement was a statement, not a resolution. I think, and I am sure that the whole House would agree, that there is merit in making it clear to Baghdad that there is unity in the Security Council around the strong resolution that we have drafted, which condemns the violation of the agreement and demands immediate compliance with both the resolution of the Security Council and the Annan agreement.
| Next Section
| Index | Home Page |