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Mr. Michael Howard (Folkestone and Hythe): I thank the Secretary of State for his statement, and support his expressions of resolve. The House will appreciate that this is not the first time that Iraq has severely tested the will of the international community. It was only last February that, in order to avoid military action, it undertook to co-operate fully with UNSCOM and to provide immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to inspectors. Iraq is now breaking that undertaking.
At the time, the Secretary of State rightly told the House:
"If Saddam were now to be permitted to set aside all those decisions of the UN, and if we were to walk away and allow him to do so with impunity, there would be no point in invoking the power of the UN the next time we are confronted with a dictator threatening the security of his region or the lives of his people."--[Official Report, 17 February 1998; Vol. 306, c. 909.]
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Does the Secretary of State stand by those remarks today?
- "effective diplomacy and firm willingness to use force"--[Official Report, 24 February 1998; Vol. 307, c. 174.]
Can the right hon. Gentleman give the House an assurance that his final warning to Iraq will be more effective than his final warning to President Milosevic during the Kosovo crisis in the summer? Can he tell us more about the terms of the resolution to be tabled in the Security Council today? Is it the Government's view that a further resolution is necessary before force can be used if diplomacy fails?
Will the right hon. Gentleman also comment on the resignation of Richard Butler's deputy, Scott Ritter? Mr. Ritter accused the British and American Governments of turning a blind eye to Saddam Hussein's transgressions, in the vain hope that, if they gave way, Saddam would lay off. Does the Secretary of State think that, if those warnings had been heeded, the present crisis might have been avoided?
Finally, will the Foreign Secretary confirm that Iraq cannot pick and choose the people who are appointed by the international community to enforce its will? Does he agree that it would be a tragedy if Richard Butler and his work were cast aside in a futile attempt to placate Saddam Hussein?
Mr. Cook:
I thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman for what I shall take as support for our position. He is, of course, absolutely right to say that this is not the first time that Saddam Hussein has tested the will of the international community--nor is it the first time in the past eight years. Saddam Hussein's testing of the international community did not commence after the general election. Whenever the previous Administration stood firm to him, we gave them our full support.
It is important that we remain patient, strong and resolute. We might as well be clear now that this will not be the last time that Saddam Hussein tests our resolve. We have to be firm and clear that he has to comply, and we shall have to be resolute the next time he seeks to test that resolve. There is absolutely no intention on the part of the Government to walk away from either the crisis in the Gulf or what we said on the previous occasion.
We remain ready to use all options. We have a dozen Tornados already in the Gulf, and we have maintained that presence ever since the previous crisis. We are confident that we have the basis on which, if required, we could put them into use. Resolution 1154, which endorsed the agreement reached by Kofi Annan in Baghdad, warned that violations would be met with the severest consequences.
Finally, in respect of Mr. Ritter, it is a bit rich to accuse the United States and the United Kingdom of being weak and irresolute in standing up to Saddam Hussein. Those two countries have been the firmest in making it clear that Saddam Hussein has to comply with the resolutions,
and it would give us a better prospect of Saddam Hussein recognising our resolve if the right hon. and learned Gentleman did not at every possible opportunity seek to undermine that resolve.
Mr. Gerald Kaufman (Manchester, Gorton):
Is my right hon. Friend aware that his statement has not only regional but global implications, in view of the potential threat to world stability posed by the acquisition of nuclear and other non-conventional weapons by Iraq? Does he agree that the crisis has been coming for a very long time, and that, on recent statements that he has made, I have warned that things would not get better, and could get worse, without firm action?
Will my right hon. Friend confirm that there is now no scope for further negotiation with Iraq, because the United Nations Security Council resolutions in place require not negotiation but compliance by Iraq, and we have seen that, if negotiation does take place, Saddam Hussein violates any agreement he makes? Having confirmed that UN resolutions authorise the use of force, should that be decided on, will my right hon. Friend accept from me that, unless Saddam now backs down, there is no alternative to military action, which must come sooner rather than later?
Mr. Cook:
My right hon. Friend is absolutely correct to say that what is now required of Saddam Hussein is compliance with the UN resolutions. The Security Council has no business and no power to enter into negotiations with Baghdad as to which bits of the resolution he chooses to comply with. The resolutions have been carefully considered and carefully calibrated.
Saddam Hussein must now comply with them in full, and he should reflect on the fact that, on this occasion, the Security Council has been united not only on the text, but in private comments and public statements criticising Baghdad. I have already told the House that all options remain open. Today, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence met Mr. Cohen from the United States Administration, and they have issued a joint statement stressing that we are ready to use force if force is required.
Mr. Menzies Campbell (North-East Fife):
May I express my support for the terms of the statement, and the firmness in which it is couched? While not expecting the Secretary of State to trade intelligence reports across the Floor of the House, does he agree that, to justify the option of the use of military force, it is necessary to have hard current evidence of continued wrongdoing by Saddam Hussein? Is he satisfied that there is such current evidence? Does he further agree that military force should never be used in revenge or frustration, no matter how extreme the provocation, and that, if it is used, it must be proportionate and have clear political objectives?
Mr. Cook:
I entirely concur with the hon. and learned Gentleman that, if force is used, it must be used not as an expression of personal frustration or revenge, but in a way consistent with the UN resolutions, seeking to secure the objectives of those resolutions. Sadly, however, the evidence of non-compliance by Saddam Hussein mounts by the month. He has not been in compliance with the resolutions since the start of August, when he suspended co-operation with inspections, and he is no longer in compliance even with those parts of the resolutions that provide for monitoring.
Perhaps even more pertinent to the case of Saddam Hussein is the fact that not only is he in clear violation of the UN resolutions, but he is in flagrant violation of the agreement that was signed in Baghdad following personal exchanges between himself and Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary-General. We should all keep firmly in front of us the fact that Saddam Hussein in his action on Saturday and in August is not just challenging the United States and the United Kingdom, but defying the agreement that he made with the United Nations, and challenging all members of the United Nations.
Mr. Dale Campbell-Savours (Workington):
Are the oil exports from Iraq to Turkey by lorry, travelling by road through northern Kurdistan, in compliance with United Nations resolutions?
Mr. Cook:
Baghdad has authority under the Security Council resolutions to export up to $10 billion of oil to purchase food, medicine and humanitarian goods. Some of the oil that is exported from Iraq comes under that programme. There is ample evidence that substantial volumes of oil are being exported from Iraq illicitly and illegally, and that the funds used from that do not go to purchase any humanitarian goods required by the Iraqi people; they support the extravagant life style of the elite in Baghdad, and pay for the weapons of mass destruction that are at the root of our concerns.
Mr. Douglas Hogg (Sleaford and North Hykeham):
Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is important that we should secure Security Council authority for any action? Does he further agree that it is important not to threaten that which we are not ready to perform? Does he further agree that, if military action is undertaken, we may have to contemplate a substantial and extended air assault? Finally, does he agree that every step should be taken to secure the support of middle eastern states?
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