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Mr. John Wilkinson (Ruislip-Northwood): The right hon. Gentleman feels a sense of satisfaction that he has the approbation of yesterday's European Union Foreign Ministers meeting at Brussels, which unanimously approved the agreement that the UN Secretary-General concluded, thanks to the resolution of Her Majesty's Government, the British armed forces and, above all, the Americans. Will he, then, tell the House whether those same European friends are willing to take punitive military action, with us and the United States, if Saddam Hussein abrogates the agreement?
The Prime Minister: I really think that it would be pretty pointless to turn this occasion into a great attack on the European Union, but the answer to the hon. Gentleman's question is that it is not actually true to say that no other European country supported the action we took. From memory, I think that I am right in saying that Germany, Netherlands and Portugal all offered specific support. Other countries made it clear that they would back the use of force if diplomatic means failed, and the statement that came out of the European Union Ministers meeting showed a degree of consensus throughout Europe for the stand that was taken. We should welcome that.
Mr. Harry Barnes (North-East Derbyshire): Is the Prime Minister aware that, under Saddam Hussein's dictatorship, Iraq's average gross domestic product has dropped to less than one eighth of its previous level? That has had devastating consequences for the people of Iraq.
What do we intend to do to assist the development of democracy, peace and economic and social progress in Iraq?
The Prime Minister: Obviously, we will do what we can to assist opposition groups in Iraq and to look at ways in which we can undermine Saddam Hussein in any shape or form. Most people would be delighted if he were to fall. If we had had to take military action and, as a consequence, he had fallen, we would have been delighted at that, too. The problem with saying that we should have set some sort of military objective to remove Saddam Hussein--I know that my hon. Friend was not suggesting that--was that there was not the authority to do so; nor would it have been possible without a massive commitment of ground as well as air forces. We will do what we can to assist opposition forces in Iraq and to undermine Saddam Hussein in any way we can.
As for the income of the Iraqi people and their suffering, the answer is obvious and clear. As my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary was telling me, for all but two years of Saddam's regime, Iraq has been at war or under sanctions. Potentially, Iraq is a rich and prosperous country and it is a tragedy that, as a result of the Saddam Hussein dictatorship, the Iraqi people are not in a position to enjoy that.
Sir Sydney Chapman (Chipping Barnet):
Can the Prime Minister confirm that the agreement unambiguously and unequivocally binds Saddam to existing United Nations resolutions, in particular 678 and 687, as well as giving access to the eight presidential sites? If that is the case, why is it necessary to instigate another Security Council resolution, given the sad fact that most draft resolutions are changed substantially before they become resolutions? Even if that does not happen, what would happen if one of the permanent members of the Security Council disagreed?
The Prime Minister:
The answer to the hon. Gentleman's first point is yes, it certainly reaffirms the existing resolutions. In answer to the second, it is important to have another Security Council resolution because it is important to have the will of international community clearly expressed and for all permanent members of the Security Council together to say that the serious consequences outlined will clearly follow if Saddam Hussein breaks the agreement that he has entered into. In our view, it is of benefit to us both in our dealings with Saddam Hussein and in terms of support from the international community that such a resolution is put through.
Mr. Andrew Mackinlay (Thurrock):
May I add my congratulations to the Prime Minister and Ministers on their firm resolve in this matter? It is as plain as a pikestaff to me that there would have been no diplomatic solution had that firm resolve and cool nerve not been maintained.
I guess that my right hon. Friend will be having further discussions with the United States--there will sensibly be some debriefing and a review of recent events. Will it be reiterated in any such review that a further Security Council resolution would have been essential had Kofi Annan not succeeded in achieving a diplomatic settlement? Some people might well argue that the
existing resolutions gave a mandate, but those of us who believe that firm resolve had to be shown thought that a further resolution was necessary. That is worth reviewing.
I hope that those consequences will not occur again. Those of us who are trying to promote world order and who believe in it and in the enforcement and status of the United Nations, think that it would have been a big mistake to use force without that further mandate.
The Prime Minister:
There is, and has been, a debate about that, although it is possible to argue that no further mandate was necessary. Fortunately, we will get a new and proper Security Council resolution. I am grateful to my hon. Friend for what he has said. I very much hope that we have a solution now, but we need to tie down those final points before that is absolutely certain.
Madam Speaker:
Thank you. I am bringing the exchanges to a close now. Thank you, Prime Minister.
Mr. David Amess (Southend, West):
I beg to move,
On 12 May 1993, I introduced a Bill that was similar to the Bill that I am seeking leave to introduce today. I am also vain enough to say that, because of that Bill, two years later, the then Home Secretary introduced a rather modest rearrangement of driving licences and a further opportunity for people to use identification cards for free movement within the European Union.
On 1 May 1997, a new Government were elected. I am sure that Conservative Members are carefully noting that--although they are not giving us any credit--that Government seem to be adopting some of the measures that the previous Government had well in hand. Only two weeks ago, I noticed an article in which they talked up the very issue of voluntary identity cards. Therefore, I very much hope that, on coming Fridays, Ministers will have no objection to the Bill making progress.
On 22 August 1996, the previous Government announced that, in principle, they agreed with a voluntary identity card scheme. That announcement coincided with a report from the Home Affairs Select Committee, which agreed with proposals to introduce voluntary identification cards.
Although none of the arguments for introducing identification cards is original--the House has heard them all before--I am still somewhat frustrated by the fact that we have not legislated on the matter. There are two specific issues: the advantages of and arguments against identity cards, and whether cards would be voluntary or compulsory.
Given the weight of gentlemen's wallets and ladies' purses, I should have thought that it was entirely logical to use a smartcard as an identity card. The words, "I'll have to see some ID," are familiar to anyone whose cheque book or cheque card has been stolen and who is trying to get money out of a bank account. They are familiar also to students and pensioners applying for a rail card. Everyone accepts that there are times when, in return for a service or benefit, we may have to provide proof that we are who we say we are. Examples include showing a driver's licence; guaranteeing a cheque; proving one's age, or right to be in this country or to claim benefits; proving one's identity to gain access to medical records; and dealing with tax affairs. The list is endless. A voluntary identity card would be of enormous value to most sensible people.
A voluntary identification card would be particularly effective in combating, for example, under-age drinking in licensed premises or under-age purchase of alcohol and
tobacco from retail outlets. We should never forget that, sadly, the peak offending age is 15. I am reliably informed that four out of five teenagers support introducing identity cards. I suspect that that support comes largely from their frustration at waiting in queues to enter discotheques.
Introducing identity cards would also end the problem of bogus official callers, and help in tackling social security fraud and similar crimes.
The law-abiding people of our country have absolutely nothing to fear from a voluntary identity card scheme. Moreover, the police would be greatly helped in performing their duties, whether in dealing with terrorism or dealing with immigration or motoring offences. I know that the police would support such a scheme.
I know that some people--including some hon. Members--believe that it would be an absolute waste of time to have a voluntary card, but I do not agree. Some people oppose the cards on the grounds of civil liberties, and I know that the police are reluctant to have a special power to require an individual to produce a card on demand, but I believe that, given the convenience of a card, voluntary ownership would soon become widespread. Indeed, it would eventually become a nuisance not to have a card.
We certainly have the technology to produce such a smartcard at relatively little expense. The Select Committee on Home Affairs was convinced that the technology was available to develop the cards, and to give the necessary protection in terms of confidentiality, with the capacity to contain the information required to make the card effective.
Many other countries have such cards. Of the 15 European states, 12 have some sort of identity card scheme. Seven countries have compulsory card schemes. Austria, Finland, France, the Netherlands and Sweden have voluntary schemes which have been hugely successful. Britain, along with the Irish Republic and Denmark, is the only European Union country not to have an identity card system. Outside the European Union, voluntary card systems operate in Iceland and Switzerland.
It is bizarre that, when one is born, one has to have a birth certificate and, when one dies, one has to have a death certificate, but the bit in between--one's life--is somehow clouded in a haze. I hope that the House will agree--I know that the country does--that an identity card system such as that which I have briefly outlined would register the fact that we have lived. I commend the Bill to the House.
4.23 pm
That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for a system of voluntary personal security cards; and for connected purposes.
There is a view that ten-minute Bills are a waste of time. Unsurprisingly, I do not believe that to be the case. An Act of Parliament stands in my name to protect horses, ponies and donkeys from cruel tethering. A statue of Raoul Wallenberg stands outside the main synagogue in London as a result of a ten-minute Bill. Although there appear to be one or two objections to my efforts to reform the quarantine laws, I am confident that after Cruft's we will see no more objections to that Bill, which will be another measure on the statute book.
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